http://www.debka-net-weekly.com/

Iran Chooses a President Next Week

Rafsanjani Bucks the Autocrat of Tehran – Khamenei
 

That the only real powerhouse in Tehran is the non-elected spiritual
leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has not stopped a crop of candidates
from campaigning fiercely for the mostly figurehead presidency in the
June 17 election. Even US secretary of state Condoleezza Rice joined
the charade; she put off Washington's decision on measures to stop the
Islamic Republic's nuclear program until after the poll, although she
knows as well as anyone that the election will change very little: the
sole arbiter of government and military policies will still be there.
Because Iran's voters are familiar with this political landscape,
turnout for the poll in a week's time is expected to be lower than
ever before in the 27 years since the Islamic revolution.
The outgoing president Mohammed Khatami rode into power with an
exceptional 22 million votes because he convinced the country that he
would usher in liberal reforms. He had barely sat down in the
presidential office, when his powers began walking away. The spiritual
ruler immediately grabbed the security forces from the interior
ministry. In no time, all matters of national importance were
transferred from the government to the arcane Council for Determining
the Interests of the Regime – among them, nuclear and missile
development and the issue of contacts with the United States.
In his eight years as president, Khatami never got around to a single
reform.
Threats to his life put him off protesting the regime's harsh
repressive measures. The strict Council for Preserving the
Constitution overturned every new law enacted by parliament (the
majlis) to benefit the ordinary Iranian citizen. Finally the majlis
was packed with Khamanei's supporters, who shouted down any measures
put forward by the dwindling reformist minority.
However, DEBKA-Net-Weekly reports that a genuine contest is
fragmenting the hard-line fundamentalist camp among rival candidates
for the presidency. The single most prominent figure is Hojjat-ol
Eslam Ali-Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, twice president in the past. He is
so sure of victory that he has abstained from traveling around the
country and campaigning for votes. National radio and television are
in the palm of his hand and foreign media are lining up to interview him.

Rafsanjani secretly solicits support from out-of-favor Montazeri

All the same, DEBKA-Net-Weekly's Iran experts are not sure he will win
the day in the first round of voting, although he has the appeal and
charisma to beat any comer in a final round. For the moment, stacked
against him is a bevy of runners backed by a very angry Khamenei. In
particular, the spiritual ruler is furious over the two acts of
defiance he has committed. First, he refused to back down in favor of
Khameinei's favorite Ali Larijani. Second, he was caught
surreptitiously soliciting backing from 86-year old Ayatollah Ali
Montazeri, who heads a renowned center of learning at the holy Iranian
town of Qom.
Montazeri may be likened to Iraq's most prominent ayatollah Ali
Sistani in that his scholarly religious rulings carry more weight than
those of any ayatollah alive. But unlike his Iraqi counterpart, he is
treated by the regime as an enemy and carries no political weight.
Khomeini placed him under house arrest in the early 1980s. He remains
confined ever since for standing up to the Islamic Republic's
repressive practices against individuals and ethnic minorities. The
outspoken ayatollah maintains steadfastly that the Muslim faith is
based on freedom of the individual and respect for other national
groups. While anathamized by the regime, Montazeri's views make him a
much respected and popular figure in the country whose support is
valuable.
Rafsanjani asked for Montazeri's backing as one ethnic Azeri to
another; both were born to families hailing from Iranian Azerbaijan.
The ayatollah dropped the word to disciples to signal his support for
his candidacy.
Larijani, former director general of Iran's broadcasting authority and
latterly adviser to Khamenei, campaigns on an extreme anti-US ticket.
Another contestant, Mohsen Rezai, ex-commander of the ferocious
Revolutionary Guards (Pazdaran), openly advocates talks with the
United States and the resumption of relations.
Another strong contender is Mohammed Bagher Ghalibaf, who resigned as
commander of security forces to run for election. He is best known for
the raid he commanded five years ago on Tehran University student
dormitories in a harsh crackdown against demonstrators calling for
reforms. This has not prevented him from campaigning for greater
freedom and benefits for young people.
All the candidates pledge strong action to defeat poverty,
discrimination and corruption, if they are elected. Larijani declared:
I will draw a red line on these three blights and sack corrupt
officials. Ghalibaf speaks openly of senior regime officials
trafficking in smuggled goods and accepting kickbacks.

All candidates support nuclear development

They are all working hard to scare voters into turning out with
threats that a ballot boycott would suit the enemies of the regime,
such as America and Israel. Overseas dissidents are presented as
attempting to sway voters in the American interest. Khamenei has told
Iranians citizens that it is their duty to vote and confound the
machinations of enemies of the state.
DEBKA-Net-Weekly's experts do not expect Iranian voters to be overly
impressed by these injunctions.

Round-the-clock Farsi broadcasts beamed to Iran from Los Angeles,
California, are busy drumming up a voters' boycott. HAKHA TV advises
voters to pour into the street the day before the ballot and stay home
when the stations open. This would show the many foreign
correspondents covering the election the real mood of the country and
its loathing of the regime. Inside Iran, the only body venturing to
call openly for a voters' strike are the students.
One of the candidates Mostafa Mo-In, the only serious contender on a
reform ticket, is focusing on minorities. He has made speeches
praising Kurds, Balochis, Arabic speakers, and Azeris as well as
Bakhtiyari and Lor tribes, in contrast to heads of the Iranian regime
who ignore Iran's ethnic plurality. Mo-In has also directed appeals to
women-voters, to young people voting for the first time, hospital
nurses and freethinkers, treating them as disadvantaged segments of
society whose lot he promises to improve.
Mohsein Rezai has also made a bid for the women's vote and pledged to
appoint a woman foreign minister to stand up to America's Rice.
Two common themes run through the campaigns of all Iran's presidential
hopefuls: support for the national nuclear program, and hostility for
the Jewish state combined with sympathy for the Palestinian cause.

Rafsanjani-Khameini Tug-o'-war predicted

Otherwise, political divisions in Iran run so deep that even the camp
calling itself Seekers of Democracy was unable to unite behind the
candidate closest to their views, Mostafa Mo-In.
Wherever they stand on the issues, all the candidates are borrowing
electioneering stunts from Western democracies such as hired
television camera teams to run off publicity films. Nonetheless the
man and woman in the Iranian street remain unmoved by the prospect of
an election, certain that whoever wins, their lives will not change
for the better.
The political question dominating the election is this: How will
Rafsanjani, if he wins the election, get along with the autocratic
Khamenei? As elected president, he is sure to put up a fight to
restore the executive powers stripped from his predecessor eight years
ago. He will not achieve this unchallenged.

Both leaders were reared in the same revolutionary hothouse; both are
exceedingly ambitious and experienced political infighters.
Rafsanjani, however, always appreciated his limits and knew when to
pull back. In recent years, he served Khamenei as close adviser, but
then he was passed over in favor of Larijani as the ruler's favorite
for the presidency. The falling-out appears to be serious. Of late,
Khamenei's fundamentalist adherents have been spreading rumors about
the Rafsanjani clan's inordinate wealth.
The date of the second round of a presidential election is not
prescribed by the Iranian constitution. It is generally expected to
take place a month after the first - that is in the second half of July.









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