Probably the U.S. has realized the Iranian nuclear program is too
advanced to be forced into shutdown and will pursue non-diplomatic
methods to deter or destroy it...or the regime.

David Bier

http://www.debka.com/article.php?aid=1039

Washington Gives Way on Iran's Nuclear Bomb, Therefore Backs
ElBaradei's Reappointment

DEBKAfile Exclusive Report from Washington and Tehran

June 13, 2005, 11:25 PM (GMT+02:00)
        
The Bush administration has given up on the battle against Iran's
nuclear armament. This is the meaning of Washington's decision to
back
the UN nuclear watchdog IAEA's board vote Monday, June 13, to
reappoint Mohamed ElBaradei as agency director for a fifth term.

Israel thus finds itself alone in the ring with the Iranian nuclear
menace. Nothing now remains to stop Tehran attaining its goal of a
nuclear bomb or bombs by the end of 2006 or early 2007 - except for
the extreme eventuality of direct Israeli military action against
Iran's nuclear facilities.

The question is what brought about this drastic reversal in
Washington? And why are Bush administration officials willing now to
endorse ElBaradei after reviling him for four years (not forgetting
the row over Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction) as
responsible more than any other international agent for letting Iran
run off with a military nuclear capability?

One answer is that US president George W. Bush's team now believes
time is running out too fast for preventive action to take effect
–
and not only on Iran.

Towards the end of President George W. Bush's first term in late
2004,
the mood in Washington was upbeat; a second term was seen as the
chance to bring the administration's military and diplomatic
objectives to fruition. This has been replaced today by a sense in
administration circles that the tough projects, like the campaign
against al Qaeda, the Iraq war, the chances of thwarting the forward
march of North Korea and Iran towards a nuclear bomb, the creation of
an independent Palestinian state and an Israel-Palestinian peace
treaty, cannot be resolved by 2008. There is a willingness to leave
solutions in abeyance for the next occupant of the Oval Office.

Top officials Vice President Dick Cheney, defense secretary Donald
Rumsfeld, secretary of state Condoleezza Rice and national security
adviser Stephen Hadley are therefore busy consolidating the
administration's achievements to date and working on stopgap
remedies
that will hold up until after the next presidential election. Bush
will then wind up his presidency on a high note and the public will
expect his successor to solidify his gains.

On Iran in particular, the Bush administration has concluded that
turning back the clock on its nuclear bomb project is no longer
realistic. Washington is therefore bending all its diplomatic and
intelligence-related resources to the goal of delaying the actual
production of the bomb as long as he is president.

In adopting this posture, the Bush administration is not operating in
a vacuum.

On the other side of the Atlantic, most of the European leaders on
whom Bush relied are groping for solid ground. With the exception of
French President Jacques Chirac, the European Union in early May threw
in the sponge on the diplomatic strategy which Washington had adopted
as the keystone of its effort to pre-empt Iran's development of
nuclear weapons.

UK prime minister Tony Blair, who is hanging on by a thread after a
disappointing general election in May - and not generally expected to
last full term, is one of the few British politicians still staunchly
standing by UK-US strategic collaboration on the Iranian issue. Blair
is making a well-publicized tour of European capitals in the run-up to
this week's EU crisis summit on the anti-constitution groundswell
and
his assumption of the Union's presidency for six months on July
1. But
his foreign secretary Jack Straw, according to DEBKAfile's
Washington
and Tehran sources, has been raring for some weeks now to inform the
Iranians that Britain and Europe at large no longer oppose their
nuclear designs. He is stopped only by Blair's objections.

In Berlin, were it not for Gerhard Schroeder's dire straits and
impending snap election, his foreign minister Joschke Fischer would
have long ago been on the same flight to Tehran as his British
counterpart.

Italy's Silvio Berlusconi is fast losing points, while Chirac was
set
back critically by his country's refusal to ratify the EU
constitution. All in all, the health of the European alliance suddenly
looks pretty fragile. This renders pretty futile the strenuous efforts
Bush and Rice invested in the past year to mend fences with European
leaders. Paradoxically, aside from the British premier, the French
president is the only substantial European leader willing and able to
ally himself with Washington's effort to vanquish Iran's
nuclear
ambitions, defeat Syria and bring the New Lebanon exercise to a
positive conclusion.

But Washington is under no illusion that this support is enough for a
uniform international front capable of eliciting UN Security Council
economic sanctions stringent enough to deter Iran from implementing
its nuclear plans. Even if this front was feasible, the prospect of
sanctions recedes in the face of potential concerted Russian and
Chinese opposition.

The deepening animosities prevailing in relations between the White
House and the Kremlin and Moscow's assistance in Iran's
nuclear
projects, including the sale of nuclear fuel and technology, makes a
Russian veto of any Security Council penalty against Tehran more than
likely.

China too is strengthening its economic ties with the Islamic Republic
and sees itself as a big buyer of Iranian oil. Beijing moreover
entertains objections in principle to UN sanctions.

The heads of the Islamic regime in Tehran sense a major victory in the
offing for their plans for a nuclear weapon. They see another eighteen
to twenty-four months' grace to complete their project
undisturbed.
For Israel, Washington's quiet retreat from its campaign against
an
Iranian bomb spells disaster, the collapse of yet another vital
strategic asset intrinsic to the Sharon government's defense
posture.





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