http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/04/opinion/04brooks.html?th&emc=th

OP-ED COLUMNIST
Trading Cricket for Jihad
•       
By DAVID BROOKS
Published: August 4, 2005

Nothing has changed during the war on terror as much as our 
definition of the enemy.

In the days after Sept. 11, it was commonly believed that the 
conflict between the jihadists and the West was a conflict between 
medievalism and modernism. Terrorists, it was said, emerge from 
cultures that are isolated from the Enlightenment ideas of the West. 
They feel disoriented by the pluralism of the modern age and 
humiliated by the relative backwardness of the Arab world. They are 
trapped in stagnant, dysfunctional regimes, amid mass unemployment, 
with little hope of leading productive lives.
 

Humiliated and oppressed, they lash out against America, the symbol 
of threatening modernity. Off they go to seek martyrdom, dreaming of 
virgins who await them in the afterlife.
Now we know that story line doesn't fit the facts.
We have learned a lot about the jihadists, from Osama bin Laden down 
to the Europeans who attacked the London subways last month. We 
know, thanks to a database gathered by Marc Sageman, formerly of the 
C.I.A., that about 75 percent of anti-Western terrorists come from 
middle-class or upper-middle-class homes. An amazing 65 percent have 
gone to college, and three-quarters have professional or 
semiprofessional jobs, particularly in engineering and science. 
Whether they have moved to Egypt, Saudi Arabia, England or France, 
these men are, far from being medieval, drawn from the ranks of the 
educated, the mobile and the multilingual. 
The jihadists are modern psychologically as well as demographically 
because they are self-made men (in traditional societies there are 
no self-made men). Rather than deferring to custom, many of them 
have rebelled against local authority figures, rejecting their 
parents' bourgeois striving and moderate versions of Islam, and 
their comfortable lives. 
They have sought instead some utopian cause to give them an identity 
and their lives meaning. They find that cause in a brand of Salafism 
that is not traditional Islam but a modern fantasy version of it, an 
invented tradition. They give up cricket and medical school and take 
up jihad.
In other words, the conflict between the jihadists and the West is a 
conflict within the modern, globalized world. The extremists are the 
sort of utopian rebels modern societies have long produced. 
In his book "Globalized Islam," the French scholar Olivier Roy 
points out that today's jihadists have a lot in common with the left-
wing extremists of the 1930's and 1960's. Ideologically, Islamic 
neofundamentalism occupies the same militant space that was once 
occupied by Marxism. It draws the same sorts of recruits (educated 
second-generation immigrants, for example), uses some of the same 
symbols and vilifies some of the same enemies (imperialism and 
capitalism).
Roy emphasizes that the jihadists are the products of globalization, 
and its enemies. They are detached from any specific country or 
culture, he says, and take up jihad because it attaches them to 
something. They are generally not politically active before they 
take up jihad. They are looking to strike a vague blow against the 
system and so give their lives (and deaths) shape and meaning. 
In short, the Arab world is maintaining its nearly perfect record of 
absorbing every bad idea coming from the West. Western ideas infuse 
the radicals who flood into Iraq to blow up Muslims and Americans 
alike.
This new definition of the enemy has seeped into popular culture 
(in "Over There," the FX show about the Iraq war, the insurgent 
leaders are shown as educated, multilingual radicals), but its 
implications have only slowly dawned on the policy world. 
The first implication, clearly, is that democratizing the Middle 
East, while worthy in itself, may not stem terrorism. Terrorists are 
bred in London and Paris as much as anywhere else. 
Second, the jihadists' weakness is that they do not spring 
organically from the Arab or Muslim world. They claim to speak for 
the Muslim masses, as earlier radicals claimed to speak for the 
proletariat. But they don't. Surely a key goal for U.S. policy 
should be to isolate the nationalists from the jihadists.
Third, terrorism is an immigration problem. Terrorists are spawned 
when educated, successful Muslims still have trouble sinking roots 
into their adopted homelands. Countries that do not encourage 
assimilation are not only causing themselves trouble, but 
endangering others around the world as well. 






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