"The Minuteman Project, controversial for its border patrols, is
trying something new: looking to fight illegal immigration in the
nation's interior by targeting employers. The group is organizing in
communities including Atlanta, Salt Lake City, Chicago, Indianapolis
and Charlotte, N.C., monitoring and reporting businesses that hire
suspected undocumented workers.

The self-appointed border security group is finding willing recruits."



Border Activists Draw Line in Suburbs

The Minuteman Project extends its reach to a Virginia town to fight
illegal immigration.

By Nicole Gaouette
Times Staff Writer

November 28, 2005

HERNDON, Va. â€" The cluster of middle-aged men and women dressed in
jeans and sweat shirts, with cameras and video recorders at the ready,
peered across the street. Tourists are common in the Washington area,
but these people weren't looking for monuments.

The group, a newly formed chapter of the Minuteman Project, had its
cameras trained on about 100 men gathered at an informal day-labor
site in this northern Virginia town. When a truck or car pulled up,
they snapped shots in earnest. The activists were there to photograph
prospective employers, note license plate numbers and business names,
and report them to the authorities, though it was unclear whether any
official action would follow.

The Minuteman Project, controversial for its border patrols, is trying
something new: looking to fight illegal immigration in the nation's
interior by targeting employers. The group is organizing in
communities including Atlanta, Salt Lake City, Chicago, Indianapolis
and Charlotte, N.C., monitoring and reporting businesses that hire
suspected undocumented workers.

The self-appointed border security group is finding willing recruits.
Since the Arizona-based Minuteman Project began in April, more than 20
chapters have sprung up across the country, said Chris Simcox, the
group's national president. He said the organization had "well over
100 requests" from people interested in starting their own chapters.

"We're struggling to keep up with the demand," Simcox said. "It's our
aim, by next November, the '06 elections, to have Minuteman interior
chapters in every congressional district in the country."

The group has been denounced for its border activities, its members
dismissed as vigilantes and spoken of disapprovingly by President Bush.

They are no less controversial in Herndon, where Mayor Michael
O'Reilly has called the national organization "a group that's almost
hate-based" and has criticized the local chapter's tactic of
monitoring employers as "an attempt to intimidate."

The animosity was apparent one recent day, when camera-carrying
Minuteman volunteers at a Herndon day-labor site were surprised by a
fast-moving Pontiac Grand Am. The car screeched to the curb and a
woman jumped out.

"What you're doing is persecution," she shouted. "These people are
just poor!"

The woman began hurling crumpled newspaper pages, bead necklaces,
anything she could find in the car at the Minuteman activists, who
silently turned their cameras her way. "You're against immigrants,"
she yelled, gunning the engine and pulling away.

The Herndon Minuteman chapter has been growing, driven in part by the
Town Council's decision to create a taxpayer-funded site for day
laborers, where a community group will help workers connect with
employers. The chapter has drawn teachers, retired military men and a
police trainee â€" 120 members since George Taplin, a software engineer,
founded it in late October.

Taplin said two or three people called a day to ask about signing up.
He said 65% of members were male, and most of them were white, but
some were Asian, South Asian and Latino.

Many members, such as Diane Bonieskie, are longtime residents.

The retired social studies teacher said she got involved because
houses in her neighborhood had become packed immigrant dormitories.
She suspects that most tenants in the rooming houses, including the
one next door, are illegal. She deals with roosters crowing and men
urinating in the yard, loud parties and empty beer cans dumped
outside. She fears it's driving down the value of her house.

"I'm angry," said the 60-year-old widow. She said the fight against
illegal immigration was deeply personal and broadly political.

"George Bush is in it for the Hispanic vote, and we're on the
receiving end," she said. "That's not fair. Before, everybody looked
out for everybody else; no one locked doors," she said of her
neighborhood. "Now we all have security systems."

Jeff Talley, 45, an airplane maintenance worker who lives across the
street from Bonieskie, also joined the Minuteman chapter. "When you
start messing with the value of people's houses, people get really
upset," he said.

As Talley sees it, illegal immigrants take jobs from Americans â€" whom
it would cost companies more to employ â€" and that will have long-term
effects on American society.

"There's a disappearing middle class," said Talley, a Republican.
"George Bush is a huge disappointment to this country. The Republican
Party used to be for ordinary people, but no more."

Herndon was once a farming town of wooden homes and towering maple
trees. In the early 1960s, there were fewer than 2,000 residents;
aerial photos show a small town center dotted with low-slung buildings
and surrounded by a patchwork blanket of fields.

In the 1980s, Herndon's proximity to Washington Dulles International
Airport drew high-tech corporations, and today it is one of America's
fastest-growing, best-educated and most affluent suburbs. Its main
thoroughfare is lined with strip malls, and hundreds of new
subdivisions eat into what remains of the fields.

The boom brought immigrants, many illegal. There are about 375,000
illegal immigrants in the greater Washington area, almost half of whom
arrived in the last five years, the Pew Hispanic Center said. About
50,000 illegal immigrants have moved to northern Virginia since 2000,
Pew estimates.

A quarter of Herndon's 23,000 residents are Latino, largely from
Central America. An additional 26% belong to other minority groups.
They are building houses, working in new stores and injecting their
own ways of life into the culture.

Some residents are uncomfortable with laborers gathering on street
corners, waiting for work. People worry about what the influx of
immigrants will mean for property values and the added burdens on
schools, hospitals and law enforcement.

And some find it unsettling to watch the town change.

William Campenni, an engineering consultant and retired military man
on patrol one crisp November day, said there were seven dormitory
houses in his upscale neighborhood.

The rooming houses are common in the eastern United States. Typically,
single-family homes are converted without the neighbors' knowledge.
But it soon becomes apparent that 20 to 30 immigrants, usually men,
live in one house, sometimes sleeping in shifts.

"Once the house owners clear their mortgage, every tenant represents
money in the bank," Campenni said.

The son and husband of immigrants, Campenni thinks the United States
needs immigration. But it must be legal, and immigrants must want to
become citizens, he said.

He doesn't see that in Herndon. "They don't want to fit in," he said.

But other residents do not see the day-labor center as a problem or a
threat.

"I understand the concern [Minuteman activists] have," said Tim Ogden,
a 44-year-old youth counselor, "but this gives people an opportunity
to improve their lives."

Ogden said his housekeeper came from El Salvador, initially illegally,
to provide for her family. Now she is a citizen.

"If the center had existed, it would have been easier for her," Ogden
said. "Right now, it's organized chaos. We have the resources to
provide opportunities."

Taplin, the founder of the Herndon chapter, is among residents suing
the town for using tax dollars to create the labor site. He and the
others know that most of the Town Council backs the center, as does
the mayor. They know that Virginia voters recently handed a victory to
the gubernatorial candidate with a more pro-immigration policy. And
they know their actions are like a red flag to some people.

Bonieskie listed the slurs aimed at her and other Minuteman
volunteers, ticking them off on her fingers: "Nazi, bigot, racist,
vigilante, that we would favor lynching and probably would have
supported the Holocaust. The hate speech is coming from the other
side, but they're just trying to control us by controlling the dialogue."

Still, the activists say the momentum is on their side.

"This is one of those rare issues, like the civil rights movement,
where a few people get the ball rolling and get way ahead of the
politicians," Campenni said.

The group also takes heart from the effect it says it is having. In
under a month, members said, they have compiled a list of more than
120 businesses that are hiring illegal immigrants; they plan to send
their reports to the Internal Revenue Service, among other authorities.

It is information the IRS might use. An agency spokesman said tax
returns could be examined â€" based on information received from
informants â€" for potential noncompliance with tax laws or inaccurate
filing.

At Herndon's informal day-labor site, the numbers of employers coming
by has dropped by 75% since the Minuteman teams started patrolling,
Taplin says, and the number of workers has been cut in half.

But tensions are rising.

As the Minutemen recently photographed cars pulling up to the labor
site, a man charged out of his van to ask why the group had taken his
photo.

"Are you hiring here?" Campenni asked.

"I wanted to, but I didn't," the man said. "I want your names so I can
call the police."

He left without their names â€" or any workers.

The prospective employer was not the first or last to voice his
displeasure, but Taplin shrugged it off.

Some critics accuse the Minuteman Project of "missing the humanity of
the workers' situation," he said. "But just because you're poor and
Hispanic, that isn't good enough reason to break the law."







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