"Al Qaeda understood that its attacks would not lead to a quick
collapse of the great powers," he wrote. "Rather, its aim was to tempt
the powers to strike back in a way that would create sympathy for the
terrorists. ... One wonders if the United States is indeed playing the
role written for it on the computer." What I wonder is, how many more
years will we have to wait for Rumsfeld to figure that one out?"
"What a contrast to four years ago, when the rapid collapse of the
Taliban caught bin Laden by surprise as he sought to escape the Afghan
mountains of Tora Bora. It was probably the last time, we must now
conclude, that the terror impresario was surprised at all. As Gary
Berntsen, the CIA officer in charge of the operation, records in his
new book "Jawbreaker," (Crown, 2005) bin Laden told his followers,
"Forgive me," and apologized for getting them pinned down by the
Americans (Berntsen's men were listening on radio). Bin Laden then
asked them to pray. And, lo, a miracle occurred. As Berntsen stewed in
frustration over the Pentagon's refusal to rush in more troops to
encircle the trapped "sheikh,' bin Laden was allowed to flee. And not
only did Bush stop talking about the man he wanted "dead or alive,"
the president began to shift U.S. Special Forces (in particular the
Arabic-speaking 5th Group, which had built close relations with its
Afghan allies) and Predator drones to the Iraq theater."


Yes, Zawahiri smirks and yes, Osama speaks with contempt of our grand
and noble, inept and bumbling, arrogant and egotistic El Presidente. I
can almost hear him saying after Tora Bora, that he had enough of this
terrorist hogwash.  And now that the bin Laden rabble was dispersed,
it was time to get to the real business he had planned for years:
regime change in Iraq for oil, besting Daddy and projecting U.S. power
into the heart of the Mideast using Hussein imminent WMD threat and al
Qaeda support as excuses.  
The CICBush43 grand strategy has totally backfired.  The Osama bad
guys are still loose, smirking and sarcastic, and busily churning out
tons of combat hardened terrorists with lots of Afghan drug money to
support them all.  Iraq is rapidly sliding into full civil war which
could get very interesting for our troops there who may have to ally
with the Kurds and help them seize the Sunni zone from Kirkuk to Mosul
and all the pipelines in between running to Turkey.  Afghanistan too
is sliding back into a full civil war with the Taliban also sharing in
al Qaeda drug money, aided by al Qaeda small unit leaders and
tacticians, using tactics well proven in Iraq, and able to wrest
control of Pakistan's border provinces from Musharraf whose days are
numbered in Pakistan.  Let's see, Iraq on the verge of regional
conflict between Sunni, Shiite and Kurd with us in the middle,
Afghanistan at risk, Pakistan nearing an Islamist revolution, and, oh
yes, a terrorist Hamas government in Palestine.  Yep, the GWOT bad
guys are definitely smirking and sarcastic. Another day in Bushland...

David Bier

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/11500950/site/newsweek/

Clumsy Leadership

The furor over Dubai's planned takeover of some U.S. ports is a sign
of how out of control the `war on terror' has become.

WEB-EXCLUSIVE COMMENTARY

By Michael Hirsh
Newsweek
Updated: 12:53 p.m. ET Feb. 22, 2006

Feb. 22, 2006 - Revolutionaries need several ingredients to succeed:
charisma, for one; organization, for another. But what they need most
of all is an incompetent regime, one that makes their ideas look good
by comparison. "Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive," William
Wordsworth famously wrote after the French Revolution, romanticizing
the "enfants de la patrie" who marched on the Bastille. But no one
ever quotes the next line in his poem about the "meager, stale,
forbidding " old regime that collapsed so easily there.  The early
Bolsheviks were nobodies in Russia before the 1917 Revolution, but
thanks to the combined ineptitude of Tsar Nicholas II and Alexander
Kerensky—the first one representing bumbling monarchy, the latter the
most indecisive sort of democracy—Lenin and Co. established their
"dictatorship of the proletariat" with a swiftness that surprised even
them.

Listening this week to the latest excerpts from Osama bin Laden's and
Ayman al Zawahiri's taped messages, it is hard not to marvel at how
lucky these would-be revolutionaries have been in their enemy. Who
would have thought that, four and a half years on, facing down the
mightiest power in history, this sociopathic pair would still be out
there talking trash, their continued existence a daily desecration of
the memory of the 9/11 dead? Or that bin Laden and Zawahiri would have
been able to whip what had been a bare ember of "global jihad"—one
barely smoldering on 9/10/01—into a global conflagration? Was that a
smirk I detected on Zawahiri's face as he advised George W. Bush that
it was not too late for him to convert to Islam? You could not miss
the contempt in bin Laden's voice when, in a tape said to be several
months old, he mocked Bush's aircraft carrier-staged declaration in
April 2003 that major conflict in Iraq had ended.

What a contrast to four years ago, when the rapid collapse of the
Taliban caught bin Laden by surprise as he sought to escape the Afghan
mountains of Tora Bora. It was probably the last time, we must now
conclude, that the terror impresario was surprised at all. As Gary
Berntsen, the CIA officer in charge of the operation, records in his
new book "Jawbreaker," (Crown, 2005) bin Laden told his followers,
"Forgive me," and apologized for getting them pinned down by the
Americans (Berntsen's men were listening on radio). Bin Laden then
asked them to pray. And, lo, a miracle occurred. As Berntsen stewed in
frustration over the Pentagon's refusal to rush in more troops to
encircle the trapped "sheikh,' bin Laden was allowed to flee. And not
only did Bush stop talking about the man he wanted "dead or alive,"
the president began to shift U.S. Special Forces (in particular the
Arabic-speaking 5th Group, which had built close relations with its
Afghan allies) and Predator drones to the Iraq theater. 

It is time to have an accounting of just how badly run, and conceived,
this "war on terror" has been. You won't hear it from the Democrats,
who have been running a severe testosterone shortage since Vietnam.
And there's certainly no need to take my word for it.

Instead, just listen to what the president's own party is saying.
Let's start with Donald Rumsfeld, the man we thought was in charge of
the GWOT, the global war on terror. Speaking last week at the Council
on Foreign Relations in New York, Rumsfeld lamented how much better
bin Laden and Zawahiri were at understanding the nature of the war. He
quoted Zawahiri as saying (way back in July 2005), "We are in a media
battle in a race for the hearts and minds of Muslims," and then
proceeded to complain that "the U.S. government"—some entity the
Defense Secretary is not on familiar terms with, presumably—"still
functions as a five and dime store in an eBay world." Al Qaeda,
Rumsfeld said, as if he were still head of some blue-ribbon commission
questioning the competence of the Clinton administration, has made
better use of the technologies we invented than we have. "Our enemies
have skillfully adapted to fighting wars in today's media age, but for
the most part we, our country, our government has not adapted," he said.

Uhhh, that failure to adapt, wouldn't that be your failure, Mr.
Rumsfeld? Or the president's? But Rummy was his usual unflappable
self, just as full of brio and self-confidence as he appears in Eugene
Jarecki's new movie, "Why We Fight," when he raps the podium in prewar
2003 and says, "We know Saddam has weapons of mass destruction."

Again, lest I'm accused of being partisan (I'm really just a reporter,
and a very disappointed hawk), I would just refer you to the rebellion
within Bush's own party. The way the war was supposed to have been
fought—a way that would really have distressed bin Laden and
Zawahiri—was that Al Qaeda was supposed to be so isolated by now that
we had most of the Arab world on our side. Deals like Dubai Ports
World 's takeover of the London company that administers some U.S.
ports were supposed to be pretty much routine. After all, as one
commentator said to me during an appearance on al Jazeera the other
day, isn't this the way globalization is intended to work: you co-opt
everyone, even your rivals, into the international system?  Instead,
so mistrusted is the Bush administration—and so out of control has the
war on terror become—that even leading Republican politicians this
week sought to cancel the Dubai contract (Bush, to his credit, did
manage a presidential response, vowing to veto).

We did not have a clash of civilizations four years ago, but we're
getting closer to one now. As violent anti-Western protests sweep the
Islamic world, and what remains of the moderate Muslim community is
cowed into silence, how unbearably sad it is to cast one 's mind back
to the eve of 9/11. As Wall Street Journal reporter Alan Cullison
wrote in a too-little-noted article in The Atlantic in September 2004,
Al Qaeda was then a small fractious group that could not even agree
among itself about what its goal was. Members had been hounded from
the Arab world, from Sudan, into the hands of a lunatic fringe regime
in Afghanistan. Qaeda had one A-team, and one big roll of the dice to
make, with 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammad and his ace
psychopath, Mohammed Atta. Cullison, quoting a remarkable series of
letters he found on Zawahiri's old computer in Afghanistan, wrote that
jihadis who were members of Zawahiri's Egyptian Islamic Jihad—the
biggest component of Al Qaeda—still wanted to make Egypt the main
enemy. One of them even compared the grandiose war against America to
tilting at "windmills." Cullison is worth quoting at length on this:

"Perhaps one of the most important insights to emerge from the
computer is that 9/11 sprang not so much from Al Qaeda's strengths as
from its weaknesses. The computer did not reveal any links to Iraq or
any other deep-pocketed government; amid the group's penury the
members fell to bitter infighting. The blow against the United States
was meant to put an end to the internal rivalries, which are manifest
in vitriolic memos between Kabul and cells abroad. Al-Qaeda's leaders
worried about a military response from the United States, but in such
a response they spied opportunity: they had fought the Soviet Union in
Afghanistan, and they fondly remembered that war as a galvanizing
experience, an event that roused the indifferent of the Arab world to
fight and win against a technologically superior Western infidel. The
jihadis expected the United States, like the Soviet Union, to be a
clumsy opponent."

Not in their fondest dreams did they realize how clumsy.

It is just as sad to remember the support that once existed for the
United States, then at the pinnacle of its power and prestige. On
9/10/01 America had adversaries, but mainly on the fringes. The
invasion of Afghanistan brought barely a peep from the Arab street. No
one had much use for Al Qaeda, even in the Islamic world. Global polls
like those taken by Pew and the German Marshall Fund showed a
remarkable degree of global consensus in favor of a one-superpower (in
other words, American-dominated) world. The silver lining of 9/11 was
a chance to reaffirm the legitimacy of America's role as trusted
overseer of the international system. That is why Bush had so much
support when he ousted the Taliban in Afghanistan, who were clearly
harboring bin Laden, and so little backing when he shifted attention
to Saddam, whose connection to bin Laden was plainly manufactured. The
post-9/11 period was a fantastic opportunity for alliance- and
institution-building. All that was required was American leadership.

How then did we arrive at this day, with anti-American Islamist
governments rising in the Mideast, bin Laden sneering at us, Qaeda
lieutenants escaping from prison, Iran brazenly enriching uranium, and
America as hated and mistrusted as it ever has been? The answer, in a
word, is incompetence. We now have testimony from enough Republicans
and Bush loyalists—from former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill to
former CIA senior director Paul Pillar — that the administration knew
all along how flimsy its WMD case against Iraq was. We also now know,
from Berntsen and others, that the administration knew then how solid
the intel on bin Laden's and Zawahiri's whereabouts was. So
catastrophic was Bush's decision to shift his attention and resources
to Iraq, when bin Laden was panting at Tora Bora, that one is tempted
to rank it with Adolf Hitler's decision to invade the Soviet Union in
June 1941, at a time when Great Britain was prostrate and America was
still out of the war (a decision that almost certainly cost Hitler the
war then and there). Yes, Iraq may some day become a legitimate
democracy. But for now it is mainly a jihadi factory, cranking out new
generations of hardened bomb-ready Islamists, as we have seen with the
cross-pollination that has brought Iraqi-style suicide bombs back to
Afghanistan.

Bush of course has been lucky in his adversaries as well—not bin
Laden, but the Democrats (not to mention many a media pundit). To this
day they seem afraid to make the case that the great war presidency
has been a disastrous war presidency, in large part because of the
fraudulent Iraq invasion. Has any presidential candidate ever had a
better talking point than this, as John Kerry did in 2004? But Kerry,
a true combat hero, turned out to be a political coward, declining to
attack while the Bush-Rove machine slowly emasculated him. Today the
only Democratic candidate with the necessary money and renown to run
for president, Hillary Clinton, is also one who must prove her
presidential timber by out-hawking the hawk-in-chief. So forget about
her calling it as she sees it. No wonder Karl Rove is telling the GOP
that the war on terror is still the president's ace issue in 2006, as
it was in 2002.

So, yes, bin Laden and Zawahiri have been fortunate in their enemies.
Had the Bush administration been more competent, these two would have
long since been bloody pulp, perhaps largely forgotten. Luckily for
the rest of us, the Al Qaeda revolutionary program is so abhorrent
that most of the world still has no choice but to stick with us,
through thick and thin—and dumb and dumber. How long we can test the
world's patience is another matter. Alan Cullison's 2004 article based
on Zawahiri's private thoughts is again instructive here. "Al Qaeda
understood that its attacks would not lead to a quick collapse of the
great powers," he wrote. "Rather, its aim was to tempt the powers to
strike back in a way that would create sympathy for the terrorists.
... One wonders if the United States is indeed playing the role
written for it on the computer." What I wonder is, how many more years
will we have to wait for Rumsfeld to figure that one out?

© 2006 MSNBC.com

URL: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/11500950/site/newsweek/





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