http://www.surinenglish.com/noticias.php?Noticia=8733
 
The Church-state debate 
Pedro Ontoso 
  <http://www.surinenglish.com/img/shim.gif> 
The Pope’s visit to Valencia has meant a truce in the continuing
disagreement between the Church and the state in Spain on recent legislation
and the place of religion in society 

  <http://www.surinenglish.com/img/linea_dis2.gif> 

THE arrival of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero to power after eight years of
conservative government in Spain was not very welcome news for the Vatican.
New legislation introduced in favour of homosexual marriage was not welcomed
by the Spanish hierarchy, and it upset the Vatican as well. Such laws were
regarded as an affront to Catholic thinking. The influential Cardinal
Bertone, the Pope’s right-hand man in the Vatican and number two on the
power ranking, summed up the thoughts of his colleagues with the following
words: “Zapatero has given the Church a slap in the face.” This statement by
one of the pillars of the Catholic Church in Rome was a big disappointment
for those who believed progress in Church/state relationships would be
smoothed considerably by the arrival of Ricardo Blázquez as head of the
Spanish hierarchy. 

If the election of the new Socialist government had been welcomed by the Gay
community, it was because new legislation in their favour had been promised
in the Socialist election campaign. But Cardinal Ratzinger had been elected
just two months previously, and his views on matters considered progressive
by many Catholics were well known. The anger of the new Pope was made
evident when he refused to meet Spanish Prime Minister Rodríguez Zapatero on
Rome, a gesture that contrasted with his warm greeting of the Spanish Royal
Family some time later. He welcomed them in his summer residence of
Castengandolfo, and also welcomed the main opposition leader, Mariano Rajoy,
along with the former Spanish Conservative Prime Minister, José María Aznar.



Identities 


Disagreement between the Spanish Socialists and the Church goes back a long
way, and it has been aggravated over the years by the occasional reminder
that the Spanish Socialist party is not a firm supporter of the Catholic
Church. Cardenal Antonio Rouco, then head of the Spanish Church, and the
Archbishop of Toledo, the now Cardinal Antonio Cañizares, have always
expressed their opposition to the Socialist party, accusing them of
introducing laws in opposition to religion and the Church. One of the issues
is the so-called Recuperation of the Historic Memory of the II Republic,
which means, among other things, not forgetting exactly what happened as far
as Church and state was concerned during the Spanish Civil War. This
question is used to argue Socialist opposition to the Church in Spain, and
Prime Minister Zapatero has even been accused of speaking better of Islam
than of Catholicism. Influential Spanish members of the Vatican hierarchy
support this view. 


Pope Benedict XVI reminded his listeners of the three pillars of Catholic
society in his speech to the European parliamentarians, and did it in the
presence of the new Spanish ambassador to the Vatican: the protection of
life, the family and education. 


But the Spanish government has been soft on abortion, fertility treatment,
homosexual marriage, divorce and secular education, and has plans to
introduce new legislation that would make sex-change operations available on
national health in specific circumstances. All this is upsetting to a large
number of Catholic groups in this country, quite apart from the Church
itself, who believe that some fundamental rights are being infringed by the
Socialists. 


Many of these groups have taken to the streets in protest against the new
government legislation, accusing it of using its power to impose its own
sense of morality on Spanish society. Demonstrations against the new
education and family laws have been attended by members of the main
opposition party, the Partido Popular (People’s Party), prompting government
comments about ‘holy alliances’ and ‘Catholic fronts’ that aim to undermine
the concept of secular government. The bishops have called for civil
disobedience. “Only just laws have to be obeyed,” said Jesuit spokesman
Antonio Martínez Camino. 


Perhaps the biggest of these issues is the new education law that makes the
teaching of religion in Spanish state schools non-obligatory. Curiously,
teachers of religion in Spanish state schools have traditionally been hired
by the Church, and mostly paid by the state. This is clearly a means by
which the Church can exercise control over who can and cannot teach religion
in schools, and the Church would dearly love to hold onto this right. On the
other side is the state, which, especially under Socialist government
control, sees itself as having the right to appoint all teachers in state
schools. The issue is, quite simply, a pot waiting to boil over. As one
senior Churchman says: “The educational system is one of the worst things
that is happening to Spanish society.” 


The other big issue is who pays the Church itself in Spain. 


Who finances Rome? 


The Minister for Justice, Juan Fernando López Aguilar, believes that the
present financing system is unsustainable, and has initiated a revision of
the 2007 budget aimed at “adjusting and updating” the system, as he puts it.
The perfect system would clearly be self-supporting, but this is a long way
down the line for the Spanish Church. The bishops are demanding an increase
in the percentage of income tax that can be designated to the Church (from
0.52 to 0.80 per cent), but agreement on this has still not been reached.
Involved in the negotiations are the director of Religious Affairs Mercedes
Rico, and the manager of the Episcopal Conference (the highest Church body
in the land), Fernando Giménez Barriocanal. Last week, in a seminar on
‘Laity as the road to liberty’, the most radical sectors of the PSOE party
spoke out against the privileges of the Spanish Church, proposing greater
neutrality on the part of the state with regard to Church financing. 


During the most difficult moments of the negotiations with the Church
representatives, the vice-president of the Government, María Teresa
Fernández, used the threat of partial withdrawal of government support for
the Church as a weapon. She had taken over direct control of Church/state
relations on assuming office, and made an unexpected visit to the Vatican on
12 November 2005 to complain in person to Cardinal Angelo Sodano about the
treatment her government was receiving from the Church-owned radio station
in Spain, La Cope. 


The appointment of Ricardo Blázquez as head of the Episcopal Conference had
indicated, the government believed, a more open approach on the part of the
Church to Church/state relations, but as it turned out, the Church is
represented by many powerful men in this country, and Cardinals Rouco and
Cañizares are among them. The Vatican, it transpired, was placing its own
strong men in position. Significant too was the support from the Vatican of
a document put out by the Episcopal Conference on the subject of free
thinkers (read ‘rebels’) in the Church, signed by Monsignor Romero Pose. He
was also the author of a pastoral letter on the ‘unity’ of Spain. The most
progressive elements in the Episcopal Conference fear that this bishop, also
the Bishop of Bilbao, will not be re-appointed as its head when his mandate
comes to an end. 


Public and private 


While the Cold War between Church and state continues, there is also the
question of the right of the Church to attempt to influence the people of a
secular society. The PSOE government believes that religion has no place in
this society, and most of the senior government members are opposed to any
special privileges for the Catholic Church, even if most Spaniards are
Catholic. The Church is not in agreement with this philosophy, and is
unwilling to debate it. The bishops believe, they remind us, in religious
freedom, and for them, this means the obligation of the state to protect the
right of ordinary people to express their religious freedom. It comes down
in the end, as many deep issues do, to a question of simple definition. In
the meantime, Church leaders are calling on all Catholics “to organise
themselves to exercise more pressure on the politicians,” as they put it.
The only certainty is that this is an issue not likely to be resolved in the
immediate future. 


The Vázquez effect 


The Government took an important step in attempting to close the rift
between Church and state last February when it appointed the then mayor of
La Coruña, Francisco Vázquez, as Spanish ambassador to the Holy See. Vázquez
is a fervent Catholic, and his appointment amounts to a friendly gesture by
Prime Minister Rodríguez Zapatero towards the Vatican. The Papal Nuncio
himself could not hide his surprise and happiness at such a move by the
Government. 


In presenting his credentials in the Vatican, the Pope invited him to help
strengthen ties between the Spanish state and Rome, suggesting more
co-operation on a regional basis as well as national. Vice-president
Fernández de la Vega, representing the government, was quite willing to go
along with this idea, mentioning mutual respect as a basic value. The
vice-president wished the Pope “a long and fruitful pontificate,” as she put
it. 


And the future? The sociologists like to remind us that religion is still a
powerful force in politics, and especially at election time. 



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