http://www.macleans.ca/switchboard/columnists/article.jsp?content=20060911_1
32943_132943#
If security fails, there is always a scapegoat: freedom
Why the relationship between freedom and security doesn't have to be see-saw
ANDREW POTTER
The early response last month to the foiled Heathrow bomb plot had the
virtue of raising hopes for a new genre of film: the airline terror-comedy,
in which incompetent hijackers dentally assault passengers with tubes of
Crest or torment them with a thousand paper cuts using pages torn from Clive
Cussler novels.
It also raised, yet again, the perennial question of how much freedom we
should trade for our security. Following the attacks of 9/11, many
governments in the West moved to implement a suite of anti-terrorism
measures. The most notorious was the U.S. Patriot Act, but Canada's hastily
conceived Bill C-36 was actually more draconian, proposing a number of
distinctly illiberal measures such as preventive arrest and forced
testimony. The general feeling was that we had too much "freedom" and not
enough "security," and that the new normal would involve more or less
permanently curtailing civil liberties in the name of increased security. 
Over the past half-decade, there has been considerable public debate over
how to strike the appropriate balance between the two, with hawks demanding
more security and doves holding out for freedom. But neither side has really
questioned the underlying assumption, that the relationship between freedom
and security is essentially a see-saw: as one goes up, the other must go
down. This is unfortunate, because the idea that freedom and security are
values in conflict threatens to lead us to political disaster.
The confusion started with Thomas Hobbes. According to Hobbes, in the state
of nature -- the hypothetical condition of humanity before the state moved
in to assert its monopoly over the use of force -- humans had maximum
freedom, in that we all had the right to do anything we wanted. But what
this means is that if I have the right to bonk you on the head and steal
your supper, you have the right to do likewise to me. As a result of total
freedom, everyone lives in a condition of constant fear and total
insecurity, what Hobbes famously called "the war of all against all."
Hobbes's solution was the security state, to which we hand over some of our
natural freedom for the sake of increased security.
When it comes to dealing with terrorism, we are all Hobbesians. Faced with a
new terrorist plot, successful or not, we instinctively blame it on a
surfeit of freedom. Were the terrorists radicalized at a mosque in northeast
London? There must be too much freedom of religion. Did they try to smuggle
a bomb onto a plane by hiding it in a water bottle? Too much freedom of
carry-on luggage.
The truth is, many of the holes in our security net are the result not of
too much "freedom," but of poorly designed institutions and infrastructure.
For example, before 9/11, airport security in the U.S. was operated by
private companies who were employed by either the airlines or the airport
operator. For obvious reasons, there were powerful incentives for them to do
it as cheaply and unobtrusively as possible, and after the attacks many
people were surprised to discover that millions of lives and billions of
dollars worth of equipment were being protected by poorly educated and
trained security personnel earning something close to minimum wage.
At the level of infrastructure, the most important improvements in public
security have built on the British idea of removing garbage cans from subway
platforms (to minimize potential hiding places for bombs). We have variously
put air marshals on high-risk flights, provided better training for flight
attendants, and strengthened cockpit doors. All of this has had a tremendous
impact on security without affecting civil liberties in the least.
Of course there are limits to how effective these sorts of steps can be. A
great deal of what passes for security in our society is symbolic, a device
for convincing the public that it is okay to go to a hockey game or take a
trip to see relatives. At a certain point, though, useful symbolism
degenerates into a theatre of the absurd. The public seems to recognize
this, if the hostile reaction to the new rules about carry-on luggage is any
indication.
The argument is not that we have done all we can in terms of public
security. We should keep our eyes open for weak points, holes that can be
plugged. What we have to guard against is the line where security measures
stop providing reassurance and start fuelling paranoia. If there is anything
genuinely frightening about terrorism, it is that it will spark an immune
response in which we look inward in search of enemies and seek to purge
anything that looks remotely threatening. The decision to ban toothpaste and
duty-free booze from airplanes is an early sign of that response. If that
sounds absurd, you haven't been paying attention. Over the past few weeks,
there have been countless stories of planes being diverted because air crews
were worried by passengers who acted suspicious, or of brown-skinned people
being hounded off planes by hysterical fellow travellers.
When it comes to improving security, it is not always necessary to sacrifice
some of our freedom. And if in trying to trade freedom for security we end
up repudiating our fundamental liberal values, then perhaps we shouldn't try
to do it all.


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