Bruce-- I think you should regurgitate this great piece of former DoS
analysis from Larry Johnson...who has been a constant critic of the Bush
Administration and consultant for one of the networks and political
candidates.
 
...here is what someone who was "with" State had to say about the US and
terrorism shortly before we were attacked and thousands of our countrymen
killed.  I've also attached a piece written about Mr. Johnson this past June
further below.
============================================================================
========
New York Times
July 10, 2001

The Declining Terrorist Threat


By LARRY C. JOHNSON
WASHINGTON -- Judging from news reports and the portrayal of villains in our
popular entertainment, Americans are bedeviled by fantasies about terrorism.
They seem to believe that terrorism is the greatest threat to the United
States and that it is becoming more widespread and lethal. They are likely
to think that the United States is the most popular target of terrorists.
And they almost certainly have the impression that extremist Islamic groups
cause most terrorism.
None of these beliefs are based in fact. While many crimes are committed
against Americans abroad (as at home), politically inspired terrorism, as
opposed to more ordinary criminality motivated by simple greed, is not as
common as most people may think.
At first glance, things do seem to be getting worse. International terrorist
incidents, as reported by the State Department, increased to 423 in 2000
from 392 in 1999. Recently, Americans were shaken by Filipino rebels'
kidnapping of Americans and the possible beheading of one hostage. But the
overall terrorist trend is down. According to the Central Intelligence
Agency, deaths from international terrorism fell to 2,527 in the decade of
the 1990's, from 4,833 in the 80's.
Nor are the United States and its policies the primary target. Terrorist
activity in 2000 was heavily concentrated in just two countries - Colombia,
which had 186 incidents, and India, with 63. The cause was these countries'
own political conflicts.
While 82 percent of the attacks in Colombia were on oil pipelines managed by
American and British companies, these attacks were less about terrorism than
about guerrillas' goal of disrupting oil production to undermine the
Colombian economy. Generally, the guerrillas shy away from causing
casualties in these attacks. No American oil workers in Colombia were killed
or injured last year.
Other terrorism against American interests is rare. There were three attacks
on American diplomatic buildings in 2000, compared with 42 in 1988. No
Americans were killed in these incidents, nor have there been any deaths in
this sort of attack this year.
Of the 423 international terrorist incidents documented in the State
Department's report "Patterns of Global Terrorism 2000," released in April,
only 153 were judged by the department and the C.I.A. to be "significant."
And only 17 of these involved American citizens or businesses.
Eleven incidents involved kidnappings of one or more American citizens, all
of whom were eventually released. Seven of those kidnapped worked for
American companies in the energy business or providing services to it -
Halliburton, Shell, Chevron, Mobil, Noble Drilling and Erickson Air-Crane.
Five bombings were on the list. The best known killed 17 American sailors on
the destroyer Cole, as it was anchored in a Yemeni port, and wounded 39. A
bomb at a McDonald's in France killed a local citizen there. The other
explosions - outside the United States embassy in the Philippines, at a
Citibank office in Greece, and in the offices of Newmont Mining in Indonesia
- caused mostly property damage and no loss of life. In the 17th incident,
vandals trashed a McDonald's in South Africa.
The greatest risk is clear: if you are drilling for oil in Colombia - or in
nations like Ecuador, Nigeria or Indonesia - you should take appropriate
precautions; otherwise Americans have little to fear.
Although high-profile incidents have fostered the perception that terrorism
is becoming more lethal, the numbers say otherwise, and early signs suggest
that the decade beginning in 2000 will continue the downward trend. A major
reason for the decline is the current reluctance of countries like Iraq,
Syria and Libya, which once eagerly backed terrorist groups, to provide safe
havens, funding and training.
The most violent and least reported source of international terrorism is the
undeclared war between Islamists and Hindus over the disputed Kashmir region
of India, bordering Pakistan. Although India came in second in terms of the
number of terrorist incidents in 2000, with 63, it accounted for almost 50
percent of all resulting deaths, with 187 killed, and injuries, with 337
hurt. Most of the blame lies with radical groups trained in Afghanistan and
operating from Pakistan.
I am not soft on terrorism; I believe strongly in remaining prepared to
confront it. However, when the threat of terrorism is used to justify
everything from building a missile defense to violating constitutional
rights (as in the case of some Arab-Americans imprisoned without charge), it
is time to take a deep breath and reflect on why we are so fearful.
Part of the blame can be assigned to 24-hour broadcast news operations too
eager to find a dramatic story line in the events of the day and to pundits
who repeat myths while ignoring clear empirical data. Politicians of both
parties are also guilty. They warn constituents of dire threats and then
appropriate money for redundant military installations and new government
investigators and agents.
Finally, there are bureaucracies in the military and in intelligence
agencies that are desperate to find an enemy to justify budget growth. In
the 1980's, when international terrorism was at its zenith, NATO and the
United States European Command pooh-poohed the notion of preparing to fight
terrorists. They were too busy preparing to fight the Soviets. With the evil
empire gone, they "discovered" terrorism as an important priority.
I hope for a world where facts, not fiction, determine our policy. While
terrorism is not vanquished, in a world where thousands of nuclear warheads
are still aimed across the continents, terrorism is not the biggest security
challenge confronting the United States, and it should not be portrayed that
way.
Larry C. Johnson is a former State Department counterterrorism specialist.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++

 <http://nrd.nationalreview.com/> 


 
June 5, 2006 



THE MEDIA 
'Mr. Counterterrorism Guru' 
He says he's not, but others say he is 

BYRON YORK 

On July 10, 2001, the New York Times published an opinion article titled
"The Declining Terrorist Threat." It was written by Larry C. Johnson, a
former CIA analyst and State Department counterterrorism official, who
argued that Americans spent too much time worrying about terrorist attacks
that would likely never come. "Judging from news reports and the portrayal
of villains in our popular entertainment," Johnson wrote, "Americans are
bedeviled by fantasies about terrorism." And then: 
They seem to believe that terrorism is the greatest threat to the United
States and that it is becoming more widespread and lethal. They are likely
to think that the United States is the most popular target of terrorists.
And they almost certainly have the impression that extremist Islamic groups
cause most terrorism. None of these beliefs are based in fact.
Surveying the security situation around the world, Johnson sought to
reassure readers. "The greatest risk is clear: if you are drilling for oil
in Colombia - or in nations like Ecuador, Nigeria or Indonesia - you should
take appropriate precautions," he wrote. "Otherwise Americans have little to
fear." 

Two months later, the planes of September 11 crashed into the World Trade
Center, the Pentagon, and a field in Pennsylvania. And Larry Johnson became
known, at least in the eyes of some of his former colleagues, as the author
of perhaps the most embarrassing op-ed ever published. "The worst," says one
such colleague. "On an issue of national interest, has there ever been a
worse prognostication in the history of man?" 

Probably not. Yet Johnson's career as a commentator did not just continue
after September 11 - it thrived. 

In recent years, Johnson, who says he is a registered Republican, has made a
new career of using his CIA credentials to bash the Bush administration. He
has become a favorite not only of the left-wing blogosphere - on his
website, called No Quarter, he writes entries like "Frog-March the Bastard,"
which was a call for the indictment of Karl Rove - but also of the nation's
biggest newspapers and cable news networks. If you're a reporter looking for
a quote criticizing the president about warrantless surveillance, or about
the CIA's "secret prisons," or about the troubled efforts to reform the spy
agency, Johnson is your man. In just the last few months, his observations
about intelligence matters have appeared in or on the New York Times, the
Washington Post, the New York Daily News, the Sunday Times of London, the
Guardian, the Associated Press, Knight-Ridder, National Public Radio, CNN,
MSNBC, and more. 

Why does Johnson receive such attention? Compared with some of the CIA's
other critics, like Bob Baer, who spent 21 years as a case officer, or Milt
Bearden, who spent 30 years at the agency and left as a high-ranking
official, Johnson's credentials are a little thin. He worked there as an
analyst, not as a top manager or a covert agent, for all of four years, 1985
to 1989, which means it has been 17 years since he was employed by the CIA.
And his specialty wasn't the Middle East or terrorism; instead, he dealt
with issues related to Central America, a subject he's rarely called on to
comment about today. What experience he had with terrorism came not at the
CIA but at the State Department, where he worked mostly on
transportation-security issues from 1989 to 1993. 

So why the demand for Johnson's opinions? "He's willing to say very bold
things," says a former intelligence official. "If you say things that are
balanced and reasoned and calm, they're less likely to ask you back than if
you throw some bombs." 

That is certainly true, but perhaps the biggest reason for Johnson's
prominence these days is his connection to Valerie Plame Wilson, the woman
at the center of the CIA-leak investigation. Although they've never been
characterized as close friends, Johnson and Plame began CIA training
together in 1985, and Johnson rushed to her defense when her identity was
revealed as part of the White House's pushback against her husband, former
ambassador Joseph Wilson, who had attacked the administration over pre-war
intelligence. Denouncing the administration figures involved in the matter
as "traitors," Johnson maintained that the leak did horrendous damage. "Not
only was her cover destroyed, but an undercover company was destroyed," he
said in April on MSNBC. "Intelligence assets that were involved with trying
to determine, detect, and protect America against weapons of mass
destruction - they were destroyed in that leak." 

That would certainly qualify as a bold - and questionable - statement. In
the actual investigation, CIA leak prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald, trying the
case against former Cheney chief of staff Lewis Libby, has said that
prosecutors do not plan to offer "any proof of actual damages" caused by the
Wilson leak. 

Still, Johnson is a go-to guy on the leak affair. And by an almost
Zelig-like coincidence, he is also an acquaintance of another woman involved
in another big leak case: Mary McCarthy, the CIA analyst fired for allegedly
leaking classified information, possibly about the "secret prisons" story.
Johnson and McCarthy worked together at the CIA in 1988, and Johnson took up
her cause when she was fired as part of the CIA's attempt to crack down on
leaks. In an interview with the Washington Post, Johnson speculated that
McCarthy might have thought the CIA's anti-leak campaign was "a whitewash,"
and therefore might have come to the conclusion, "Why not tell the press?" 

Johnson was speculating, at least in part, because he has not stayed close
to McCarthy in the nearly 20 years since they worked together. In fact, he
told National Review that "she's the reason I left the CIA," explaining that
McCarthy was a "lousy manager" who had "no experience in Latin America."
Listening to him talk, it appears they really, really did not get along. Yet
when McCarthy became an anti-Bush hero, Johnson put aside his feelings to
become her defender. One for all and all for one when it comes to opposing
the president. 

To his credit, Johnson is not one of those figures who refuse to speak with
anyone who might ask him difficult questions. He has always been willing to
talk to National Review, and, in a discussion for this article, he didn't
bristle even when asked about "The Declining Terrorist Threat." 

Of course, he didn't give an inch, either. "I stand by everything I said in
that piece," Johnson says. "Go through it in detail. Put it into the right
context. . . . Nowhere in that article did I say we needed to ignore Islamic
terrorism." 

Mark that up as another bold statement. On the issue of his credentials,
Johnson says he received commendations for his work at the CIA, but he takes
a more modest tone than one might expect. "I don't represent myself to be
Mr. Counterterrorism Guru," he says. "I get introduced as the deputy
director of counterterrorism at the State Department. But my full title was
deputy director for transportation security, antiterrorism assistance
training, and special operations. In Washington, the longer your title, the
less important you are, and I had a really long title." 

As for his connections - how he knows enough to speak about the CIA after 17
years away - well, that's where the openness ends. "I'm not going to get
into the specifics of how I know what I know," Johnson says. And that's
that. 

Of course, that doesn't really matter to Johnson's fans in the press and the
left-wing blogs. Johnson is celebrated not so much for what he knows as for
what his fans hope he knows: that the Bush administration is corrupt,
traitorous, and a danger to national security. These days, he can always
find someone to listen. 
 
 


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