http://kavkazcenter.com/eng/content/2006/11/02/6226.shtml

 

A powerful Hezbollah?

Publication time: Today at 18:31 Djokhar time 

  

Following its stunning military victory against Israel in the recent war in
Lebanon, Hezbollah movement seems determined to either replace or bring down
the pro-American Lebanese government. 

Experts say that the magnitude of the defeat is considerable and the
Israelis on the other hand appear to have lost at every level--strategic,
operational and tactical. Air raids proved their failure, as well as
attempts to blockade Lebanon and thus cut off Hezbollah's resupply. Israel's
caches proved ample. Also the ground offensive in South Lebanon failed.
Israel has paid heavily in casualties for that and couldn't hold what it has
taken; Hezbollah pushed it out, as it did once before. 

 Many experts have been suggesting, since fighting ended in August, that the
Shias now enjoy far more popular support than reflected in their share of
government posts under Lebanon's power-sharing arrangement, that had been
set as part of a deal that brought to an end the country civil war in 1990,
and divides power among the country's main sectarian groups -- Shia, Sunni
Muslims, Druze, and Christians. Muslims make up two thirds of the Lebanese
population, while Christians form half of the population. That is the
"confessional democracy" - established by France as the Mandate Power,
modified after the 1975-1990 civil war and buttressed by the Cedar
Revolution of 2005 - that Muslims and Christians have an equal share of
seats in the 128-member parliament, according to CommonDreams' website.
Shias on the other hand form three fifths of the country's Muslims, they are
entitled to two fifths of the Muslim seats. Maronite Catholics are entitled
to the presidency, elected by the parliament; Sunni Muslims to the
premiership; and Shia Muslims to the parliamentary speaker. Being the
poorest, Lebanese Shias have been the traditional underdogs, until in 1967,
when Ayatollah Musa al Sadr formed the Higher Shia Communal Council (HSCC). 

 Following the outbreak of the Lebanese civil in 1975, Sadr set up a militia
adjunct to the HSCC, called the Lebanese Resistance Detachments, known as
Amal. Three years later Sadr "disappeared." In 1982, Israel occupied the
Lebanese territories and Amal split. This was the beginning of the formation
of Hezbollah, or Party of God, aimed at resisting the occupiers. As
Hezbollah started launching its attacks against the Israeli army stationed
in southern Lebanon, Tehran, Hezbollah's main ally since then, increased its
military aid, with Syria acting as the conduit. Through its Martyrs
Foundation, Iran provided Hezbollah with funds to improve health, education
and other public services for needy Shias. 

 Today, with Hezbollah much powerful than before the recent war as experts
and political analysts assert, the Shia group and Christian political party
led by General Michel Aoun seek reshuffling the Lebanese government in a way
that would grant both groups more positions, and gives Hezbollah veto power
over any legislation, other wise, as they threatened, Aoun's party and
Hezbollah would boycott the government or try to bring it down through
strikes and street demonstrations if they don't get more posts. Hezbollah
threatened Tuesday to organise street protests to force early elections in
Lebanon if its demands for a "national unity" Cabinet that would give the
Islamic group veto power over key decisions, are not met. Hezbollah seems
assured that its threat will further exacerbate an already tense political
situation in Lebanon, where the government of Prime Minister Fuad Saniora
has refused the group's previous calls to step down and allow the formation
of a new Cabinet. 

 "Our concept of the national unity government is that all the basic forces
in Lebanon be in it ... actual and serious participation, not an aesthetic
participation," Sheik Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah's leader, said during an
interview on Hezbollah's Al-Manar TV. The Shia movement has been providing
vital help in rebuilding southern Lebanon villages and poor suburbs where
the Shias are concentrated. It also maintains that Lebanon's Shia population
has grown faster than others, warranting a greater share of power than Shia
got under the 1990 deal, according to an editorial on Boston. 

 COM's website. Hezbollah has two ministers in the Lebanese government and
more than a tenth of the seats in parliament. But Washington and the
Lebanese government fear giving Hezbollah the veto power would paralyze the
government, while giving the Syrians more influence over Lebanon. Also
extending Hezbollah's influence would mean that the United States will find
itself forced to cut ties with the Lebanese government, since it boycotts
all Hezbollah officials. A scenario similar to a great extent to Hamas' in
Palestine. "On a domestic level, after the war, Hezbollah became stronger
and stronger," said sociologist Ali Fayyad, director of a Hezbollah think
tank that produces many of the party's policy papers. Fayyad had been quoted
previously as saying that Hezbollah's victory in the recent war has made it
almost impossible to continue supporting international calls to disarming
it- something the Lebanese government and its foreign backers, including the
United States and France, had long been pushing for. 

 Lebanese government officials share the same view.Aoun, a Lebanese
politician who serves as Prime Minister during the period between 22
September 1988 and 13 October 1990, joined Hezbollah's leader in an unusual
political union in February, and now both rail against government corruption
and nepotism. Until last year, Aoun was supporting calls to disarm
Hezbollah. But now he has accorded broader legitimacy to the Shia movement
by giving it a cross-sectarian base, in exchange for Shias' support for next
years' presidential bid. 

Aoun believes the government "bankrupted the country, and runs it like a
mafia," he said in a recent interview. "They are puppets. They cannot resist
popular pressure and strikes, because they aren't supported by the people."
If Hezbollah's demands are met, this would significantly raise the
movement's standing in the Cabinet, where the group and its Shia ally, Amal,
have five ministers. Also a veto power and influence in decision-making
would bolster their standing in the parliament, where the group and its
allies hold less than half the seats, while anti-Syrian majority hold 70
seats. 



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