http://www.esisc.eu/Bouchaoui%20eng.pdf

BOUCHAOUI ATTACK: QUESTIONS AND LESSONS
By ClaudeMoniquet, President of ESISC
Summary
- The Bouchaoui attack demonstrates the reality that the GSPC
(Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat) is rallying behind al-
Qaeda.
- For the first time in years, western interests are once again being
targeted in Algeria.
- The GSPC seems to have recovered some of its strike force and, in
any event, is present in Algiers.
- Other attacks are feared, in Algeria and perhaps elsewhere in the
region; they will be directed mainly against French and US
interests.
A) Preliminaries
Late last Sunday, an attack carried out in Bouchaoui (15 kilometres from 
Algiers),
targeted two buses transporting employees of the US company Brown Roots and
Condor (BRC). In short, one person was killed, and nine were wounded 
(see our
analysis brief issued on 11th December at 7 :12 p.m.).
At first glance, this would seem to be a commonplace event in a country 
where a type
of terrorism that the Algerian government is desperately trying to 
describe as
"residual"kills at least several hundred people each year. And, of 
course, this cannot
be compared with the daily massacres that are taking place in Iraq. Yet 
this "minor"
attack -- inasmuch as that term can be used when people have been killed and
mutilated -- deserves to be pondered since it could very well be highly
2
significant for three reasons: the location of the attack, the target, and
themodus operandi.
B) The location of the attack
First of all, the location of the attack: it took place in a large 
suburb of Algiers,
in an extremely well-protected neighbourhood where several top
government officials live and where a number of foreign companies and
an international luxury hotel, the Sheraton, are located. This neighbourhood
has been specifically developed over the past decade precisely because 
it was a spot
not far from the capital where people could live and work away from any 
terrorist
activity. The Sheraton serves as a home for expatriates who live there 
throughout
the year and is where official government guests stay. We stayed there 
several years
ago when we attended an international conference, and we can thus 
confirm that the
location is particularly well-covered by security.
And yet, a heavily armed commando (see below) managed to get past the
security, prepare an attack in the neighbourhood, carry it out, and
apparently slip away afterwards without incident.
Moreover, we observe that, over the last several years, most of the 
violent acts
involving terrorists have generally been skirmishes in mountainous or wooded
regions and have, for the most part, taken place very far from the 
capital. For several
years, no attacks had taken place in the city. Then, on 29th October, 
attacks on police
stations in Reghaia and Dergana (neighbourhoods on the outskirts of 
Algiers) had left
three dead and 24 wounded. The latest attack this past weekend is thus the
third attack to take place not only in the Algiers metropolitan area, but
also, moreover, the third to be perpetrated in the immediate vicinity of
the capital. This act leaves little room to doubt that at least one active
terrorist cell (and, undoubtedly, given its modi operandorum, a rather
large and highly structured cell) exists in or around Algiers. This is 
the first
such cell since the dawn of the new millennium and, in any event, is bad 
news for a
government that has put so much emphasis on its policy of "national 
reconciliation"
as it has attempted to put the country's dark years behindit once and 
for all.
C) The target
The selected target is particularly symbolic because it involved 
employees of a
US company. At first sight, two observations come to mind: first, 
foreigners had not
been targeted by terrorism in Algeria for several years and, second, 
never before, not
even at the height of the crisis of the 1990s, had US nationals or 
interests been
attacked. By striking out at foreigners working for a US company, the
terrorists have consequently taken two conclusive steps at the same time.
Moreover, the GSPC, which claimed responsibility last night for the 
Bouchaoui
attack, warned against new attacks against US interests, advising 
Algerians to
keep "away from the infidels' interests so that you can avoid any harm 
that may
come to you if you happen to be associating with them when they are 
targeted."
3
We emphasise that the GSPC, which, for a long time, had demonstrated a
wait-and-see attitude regarding the global jihad's sphere of influence and
had focused on the local jihad, officially joined the cause of al-Qaeda in
2006.
The official announcement of this turn of events was made on 11th 
September, five
years to the day after the attacks on New York and Washington, by Ayman al-
Zawahiri, number two in the al-Qaeda network, who, in a videotaped 
statement,
claimed that the GSPC had pledged its allegiance to Osama Bin Laden and had
joined the al-Qaeda network. Al-Zawahiri did not hide his desire that 
the Algerian
organisation should become the spearhead of future attacks against 
France and
against Americans. Indeed, he urged the GSPC to become "a bone in the
throat of the American and French crusaders."
A number of long divergent interests have thus come together. The GSPC, 
which
had been considerably weakened in Algeria, - down to nomore than a few
hundred active members --could hope to enjoy a resurgence by becoming
part of an international terrorist movement. Meanwhile, al-Qaeda, could
hope that the organisation would enable it to strike France on one hand
and, on the other hand, to establish a lasting presence in North Africa.
As the GSPC, boosted by this alliance, now has regional ambitious, over 
the last few
months a number of Moroccan and Tunisian nationals have been arrested while
trying to travel to Algeria in order to train with the GSPC's 
underground forces.
D)Themodus operandi
To carry out Sunday's attack, the GSPC had to have spent several days 
staking
out the area in order to check the schedules of the buses that were
attacked. The GSPC also placed explosives along the road and was even
able to develop enough fire power to wound several people while dealing
with the police officers who were escorting the convoy. And afterwards,
the terrorists seem to have left the scene without suffering any losses
despite the scope of combing operations carried out by the police (it's 
a good bet that,
after such an act, the authorities would have certainly reported that 
some of the
assailants had been killed or captured if that had been the case...)
It was more than just luck, as this sequence of actions seems to indicate
strong information-gathering capabilities, real tactical know-how, the
ability to make solid decisions concerning actions, and the possession of
effective, skilfully used military means, not to mention a great deal of
discipline when approaching, striking, and withdrawing. The operation
was, moreover, aided by seemingly flawless logistics concerning the 
supply of
arms, the availability of means of transport, and the selection and 
management of
hideouts that the terrorists probably used when they made their getaway.
In short, here as well, there is a new qualitative aspect: the GSPC that 
carried out
the Bouchaoui attack no longer seems to have much in common with the
organisation in dire straits to which we had been accustomed for several
years.
4
E) BRC's mistakes
The ones who are most responsible for the security of employees of large 
western
companies and the expatriates associated with these firms are obviously 
the people
who assign them to live and work on site.
 From this perspective, it is amazing that, more than four years after the
Karachi attack that killed several French technicians specifically while
they were travelling by bus, BRC's security officials would have still
favoured this means of transport for company employees. Bus transport
has the double disadvantage of being particularly visible and of allowing
terrorists to wait until they can get "full marks" by maximising the
number of potential attack victims.
The more or less massive presence of police officers around these 
convoys only offers
an illusion of protection while perhaps, conversely, acting as a magnet 
to terrorists
since, moreover, these security forces affirm the importance of the convoy.
There is, however, a known solution to this threat: the use of 
individual (and possibly
armoured) cars that only carry a few people at a time. These cars should 
be covered
by a light security system that, nonetheless, exhibits considerable fire 
power. In
addition to the fact that the entire arrangement is more discreet and
clearly more mobile, in the event of a tragedy, the scope of such an event
would obviously be limited.
By way of a conclusion
We would like to be wrong, but the facts are loud and clear. Failing an 
appropriate
response from Algeria's security services and flawless co-operation 
between Algeria,
Morocco, and Tunisia, and between these countries and their allies 
outside the
region, we are perhaps looking at a new wave of terrorist violence, not
only in Algeria, but perhaps also elsewhere in North Africa and in France.
If this grim possibility becomes a reality, we could see a more or less 
close
succession of attacks targeting not only local populations, as was the case
during the 1990s, but also authorities and foreign interests. The image of
corruption amongst authorities and the anti-western sentiment that has
been prevalent in much of the Arab world since 2001 would enable the
GSPC and the organisations that join forces with it to recruit large
numbers of people and would subsequently offer the global jihad's
sphere of influence the prospect of opening up a "new front" that is
clearly closer than the Iraqi front to Europe and its Crusaders.

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