http://www.dawn.com/2006/12/24/int13.htm

Election gamble can push Palestine into civil war

By Peter Hirschberg


JERUSALEM: Frustrated with the impasse in unity talks with Hamas, the 
usually unadventurous, risk-averse Mahmoud Abbas is embarking on what 
can only be described as the biggest political gamble of his long career 
-- his decision to call early Palestinian elections.

If it comes off, the Palestinian president will have restored his more 
moderate Fatah party to power and renewed the chance of reaching a peace 
agreement with Israel. But if the gamble fails, it could entrench the 
Islamic Hamas in power, dealing a death-blow to any reconciliation with 
Israel. More ominously, it could propel the Palestinians into all-out 
civil war.

Abbas' decision to call for early parliamentary and presidential 
elections -- he says he has still left the door open to Hamas for talks 
on a government of national unity -- has already precipitated the worst 
factional violence since the Palestinian Authority was created 12 years 
ago. At least 10 Palestinians, most of them Fatah and Hamas militants, 
have been killed in a week of street battles and kidnappings.

Militants have fired at the convoys of Hamas Prime Minister Ismail 
Haniyeh and Hamas Foreign Minister Mahmoud Zahar (they both emerged 
unscathed). Mortar shells have been lobbed at Abbas' residence in the 
Gaza Strip (he was in Ramallah at the time).

In one incident, Fatah sources said that the bodies of two of their 
members were dumped in a Gaza street after they had been abducted by 
Hamas militants and shot dead. In one gun battle, a Hamas man was killed 
and 11 people injured, when militants from the two warring sides faced 
off just outside the main Shifa Hospital in Gaza City. During the 
hour-long battle militants took up positions on the rooftops overlooking 
the hospital and also fired rocket-propelled grenades at one another.

In yet another incident, Hamas militants kidnapped Sufyan Abu Zaideh, a 
senior Fatah official in Gaza. He was released two hours later, after 
Fatah militants snatched 11 Hamas activists and threatened to execute 
some of them if Abu Zaideh was not freed. Both Abbas and Haniyeh have 
called for an end to the internal warfare, and the sides agreed to two 
ceasefires in the space of four days. The first collapsed within 24 
hours. The second is more or less holding, punctuated by sporadic 
outbursts of violence. A Hamas activist was killed and another kidnapped 
overnight Thursday in Gaza, while three people were injured in clashes 
between Fatah and Hamas in Nablus on Friday.

While Abbas strongly supports dialogue with Israel, Hamas does not 
recognise Israel's right to exist. This rejectionist position has cost 
the Palestinians dearly: since Hamas trounced Fatah in parliamentary 
elections last January and then set up a government, the Palestinian 
Authority has been decimated by crippling economic sanctions imposed by 
the US, Europe and Israel.

Abbas believed that by setting up a national unity government that more 
or less accepted the three terms laid out by the Quartet (United States, 
Russia, the European Union and the United Nations) -- renunciation of 
violence, recognition of Israel and adherence to existing 
Israeli-Palestinian interim agreements -- he would be able to persuade 
the international community to lift sanctions. But unity talks with 
Hamas broke down last month, resulting in his call in mid-December for 
new elections, which could be held within six months.

While the Palestinian president has blamed Hamas for the impasse, Hamas 
leaders have accused Abbas of trying to carry out a "coup" just nine 
months after they took power. Haniyeh, who says Hamas would boycott 
early elections, has also questioned whether Abbas has the 
constitutional power to dismiss the government. "We confirm that the 
Palestinian government refuses the invitation to early elections because 
it is unconstitutional," he said in Gaza.

Despite the sanctions and the fact that the Palestinian Authority has 
for months been unable, as a result, to pay salaries to tens of 
thousands of government workers, it is not clear to what extent Hamas' 
popularity has been dented. Or, whether Fatah has become a more 
attractive alternative since it was trounced almost a year ago by the 
Islamic movement.

An opinion poll conducted by the West Bank-based Palestinian Centre for 
Policy and Survey Research found Fatah had a lead -- 42 per cent to 36 
per cent -- over Hamas, and that Abbas (46 per cent) and Haniyeh (45 per 
cent) were neck-and-neck in a presidential run-off.

Fatah's spectacular electoral defeat last January was due in large 
measure to the public's perception of the organisation as corrupt, 
especially the senior leadership, whereas Hamas leaders were seen as 
putting national interest above personal aggrandisement. Despite Hamas' 
drop in popularity, it is not at all clear that voters are ready yet to 
forgive Fatah, which has yet to carry out reforms that many of its 
younger guard believe are essential if it is to regain public confidence.

Reform is often a code word for the generational battle within Fatah. 
While the old guard -- those senior Palestinian Liberation Organisation 
officials who returned from Tunis in the mid-1990s to run the 
Palestinian Authority -- has dominated the movement, the younger guard 
of activists, who have grown up in the occupied territories, has long 
sought a more prominent role. Just after his call for early elections, 
Abbas announced that a local Fatah leadership, drawn from the younger 
generation, was being set up to reform the movement.

It is not clear that Abbas, who is a member of the old guard, would run 
for re-election as president. He has said he will not seek another term. 
One alternative could be Marwan Barghouti, a Fatah lawmaker and a highly 
popular figure who is part of the movement's younger guard. The 
47-year-old Barghouti is serving five life terms in an Israeli jail for 
involvement in attacks in which Israelis were killed during the 
Palestinian uprising.

Even though he is behind bars, there is no law that prevents him from 
running. Many dovish Israelis believe Barghouti is the one leader who 
could ultimately do a deal with Israel that could lead to an end to the 
conflict.

---Dawn/The IPS News Service

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