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The left, feminists and Afghanistan

No one doubts that the Taliban in Afghanistan were and are Islamic
fundamentalists. To the mullahs who control the movement, the duty of women
is to serve their husbands and fathers, to be covered at all times except in
the home and not to hold a job outside the family's confines.

Violators can be punished severely, even killed. Similar draconian rules
apply to female children who are best left uneducated. Their schools, their
teachers and occasionally the girls themselves can be executed for violating
such rules.

This is monstrous policy by any standard, utter medieval lunacy in the guise
of religious faith. It offends Western values deeply and it has much to do
with the reasons that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization has troops in
Afghanistan fighting the Taliban and trying to bolster the more moderate
Karzai government in Kabul.

But to judge by the silence of Canada's left and its feminists, there are
worse sins occurring out there than the repression of Afghan women and
children. What could be worse? The whole War on Terror, the American and
NATO interventions in Afghanistan, and Canadian complicity in Washington's
many and varied sins.

In other words, the silence of the Canadian feminist lambs suggests strongly
that this is a classic case where anti-Americanism and anti-Bush sentiment,
combined with anger at Stephen Harper's Conservative government and its
policies, easily outweigh the harm done to Afghan females by a
fundamentalist cabal.

Not that the feminists and the left have been completely silent on Muslim
outrages against women. Consider the case of Darfur where New Democrat
Leader Jack Layton, female colleagues in his caucus, and many Canadian
feminists have been demanding that Canada act to stop the killings and rapes
by Muslim militias, aided by the Sudanese government. The brutality in
Darfur is horrid, no doubt of this, and the world community has been slow to
act, not least because Khartoum has until recently refused to permit the
intervention of United Nations forces within Sudan's borders.

But why is a Darfur intervention a good and necessary response while the war
in Afghanistan is not? There are a variety of pathologies at work here. One
is that Darfur is now to be a UN peace enforcement mission and the United
Nations and peacekeeping of any variety are, by definition, good.
Afghanistan, by contrast, is seen on the left as a U.S. war, aided and
abetted by NATO.

It doesn't appear to matter that after the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the UN
Security Council passed resolutions authorizing intervention in Afghanistan.
For the feminists and the left, if the Americans are involved, at root it
must be about oil, about President Bush's failed policies or about the
American obsession with the War on Terror. Another factor is that in Darfur,
the United States, along with Canada and most Western nations, was loathe to
intervene. It was not so much that the democracies condoned the brutality of
the militias. They didn't.

It was that the Darfur deserts were inhospitable, to say the least, that the
logistics involved in supporting Western forces there were a nightmare and
troops were in short supply. Moreover, the presence of white, largely
Christian soldiers would not necessarily have a calming effect when the
Muslim government in Khartoum was pledging a jihad if infidels dared to
intervene in their affairs.

In other words, until the Sudanese government accepted UN intervention, any
Western help in Darfur could only be offered after an invasion. To the West
and its governments, it seemed better, safer, and smarter to try to bolster
the Organization of African Unity's small peacekeeping forces in Darfur. But
to the feminists and the left, it was easy to portray these sensible and
practical concerns as if Washington and its friends were deliberately
shirking their responsibilities to the women of Darfur.

American intervention in Afghanistan was a bad thing by definition.
America's refusal to intervene in Darfur was an evil, a deliberate
abandonment of Sudanese women and children to the brutal militias who were
raping and killing wantonly. The United States, in other words, was damned
if it did and condemned if it didn't act.

Those who believe that the rights of women and children in Afghanistan
matter enough to deserve protection need to play on this ideological
confusion on the left. Jack Layton and his feminist friends want Canada's
troops out of Afghanistan and into Darfur. But how abandoning the women of
Kandahar province to the not-so-tender mercies of the mullahs will help
bring peace and justice there is very hard to comprehend.

Yes, the West should help in Darfur.

But unless and until someone can produce a compelling case that the women
and children of Afghanistan are any less worth saving from barbarism than
the females in Darfur, there is a huge logical and moral blind spot in the
feminists' and the left's position.



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