http://article.nationalreview.com/?q=Y2MwN2RiNDA5YTgyMTJmYzZiMjMzMTFmZjkwYTY
yYTE=

North Korea Comes Back for Some More
The deal just keeps getting better for Kim Jong Il.

By John O'Sullivan


Rudyard Kipling put it well a century ago:

It is always a temptation to a rich and lazy nation,
    To puff and look important and to say:-
"Though we know we should defeat you, we have not the time to meet you.
    We will therefore pay you cash to go away." 

And that is called paying the Dane-geld;
    But we've proved it again and again,
That if once you have paid him the Dane-geld
    You never get rid of the Dane. 

The Dane in this week's crisis is Kim Jong Il, the grand panjandrum of North
Korea. Last week there was modified rapture in the chancelleries of the six
great powers engaged in talking to Kim-Japan, China, Russia, India, South
Korea and the United States-because they had negotiated a brand new
compromise with him. 

This brand new compromise is very similar, if not identical, to the bad old
compromise that was agreed between Kim and the Clinton administration,
broken by Kim, formally renounced by the incoming Bush administration, and
finally resurrected again by the whirligig of time and diplomacy and by a
president and a secretary of State desperate for a diplomatic success-any
"success"-to stock the legacy cupboard. 

The essential deal here is that the North Koreans should shut down their
nuclear facilities and accept weapons inspections by the International
Atomic Energy Authority in return for normalized relations with the U.S. and
large sums in aid and fuel from Japan, South Korea, and the U.S.-i.e.,
Danegeld. 

Is it really that simple? 

No. There is some uncertainty about whether the North Koreans will actually
get rid of all their nuclear facilities, or merely some, especially since
they cheated last time. U.S. officials have responded to this anxiety by
claiming that the North Koreans won't get any aid until they have met a
series of "benchmarks" in dismantling the nuclear program. But will the U.S.
be able to hold the South Korean government, which was desperate for a deal,
to this condition. That must be doubtful. 

Who came up with this ridiculous idea?

Ex-President Jimmy Carter. No, really. I know it sounds too good to be true,
but when President Clinton seemed prepared to take serious action against
North Korea, Carter flew to Pyongyang, the North Korean capital, and
negotiated the first such compromise with the North Korean regime. In effect
Carter substituted his own foreign policy for that of the elected president.
And we have been living with variations on that policy ever since. Given
Carter's record, it is hardly surprising that today the North Koreans have
more nuclear weapons, an advanced nuclear program, offers of money and fuel
up to the kazoo, and the diplomatic world beating a path to their door.

But can Kim be trusted to keep his side of the bargain this time?

Well, it's true that this deal is so good for him and the North Korean
government that he really doesn't need to cheat. Kim gets to keep his rocket
programs and his chemical and biological stockpiles; he gets normalized
relations with the U.S., which means the removal of North Korea from the
State Department's list of "terrorist nations"; and he gets international
respectability. What reasonable despot with a despicable human rights record
could ask for more? 

At the same time he may not be able to stop himself cheating. He knows that
the U.S. government, anxious to parade its sole diplomatic achievement, will
be keen to turn a blind eye to any violations of this agreement. So he can
probably cheat with impunity. Also, Kim is a very odd duck. Only yesterday,
for instance, he saw a Japanese car blocking the road and ordered that all
Japanese cars be seized. As South Korea's Yonhap news agency reported dryly,
however, this order may not be carried out since the few cars on North
Korean roads are almost all Japanese. Still, it's an odd order for even a
despot to issue when he is relying on the Japanese government to come up
with subsidies agreed to only last week.

So what will happen? 

No one really knows, but one good bet is that even if this deal "works," it
will prove to be a powerful incentive to nuclear proliferation worldwide.
The U.S. and its partners in the six-party talks-especially China-have told
the rest of the world that one certain way to gouge aid out of the West and
the U.S. is to start a nuclearization program for the express purpose of
receiving bribes to close it down. As the Geico Gecko says: "Are they going
to say 'I'm so rich that I'm not going to bend down to pick up the cash?'"
Probably not. Incidentally, this deal almost certainly explains the
otherwise slightly mysterious departure of Ambassador John Bolton a few
weeks ago. Bolton was never comfortable with diplomatic humbug, and this
deal sinks to depths of humbuggery, into which he probably preferred not to
descend.

But surely the only alternative to this deal was war?

Remember that argument well:  it is the excuse invariably offered for bad
diplomacy. And it doesn't even have the merit of being true. There is a
different diplomatic approach available in the North Korea Human Rights Act.
It is backed by an extraordinary bipartisan group including major leaders of
the Korean-American community, North Korea policy scholars from the
Brookings and Hudson Institutes, the Director of the Religious Action Center
of Reform Judaism, the General Superintendent of the Assemblies of God
Church, the National Director of Americans for Democratic Action, and the
Executive Directors of Freedom House and the Open Society Policy Center. It
argues that the U.S. should not merely respond to Kim's agenda but should
instead demand that human rights violations in North Korea (and in China) be
on the negotiating table. And it requires that if (modest) concessions are
to be offered to North Korea, then Kim must offer in return an improvement
in the people's rights as well as an abandonment of nuclearization.

That policy has at least a chance of alleviating the sufferings of the North
Korean people; the current policy merely rewards their oppressors. As
Kipling pointed out, the moral is plain:

So when you are requested to pay up or be molested,
    You will find it better policy to say:- 
"We never pay any-one Dane-geld,
    No matter how trifling the cost;
For the end of that game is oppression and shame.
And the nation that plays it is lost!" 


- John O'Sullivan is editor-at-large of National Review and a senior fellow
at the  <http://www.hudson.org/> Hudson Institute. He is the author of
<http://www.nationalreview.com/redirect/amazon.p?j=1596980168> The
President, the Pope, and the Prime Minister. This article first appeared in
the Chicago Sun-Times and is reprinted with permission. 

 



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