http://www.jihadwatch.org/archives/015807.php

Fitzgerald: History, history


 <http://www.jihadwatch.org/archives/015793.php> Robert Spencer has
mentioned that someone with a reasonable knowledge of the worldview of
Islam, of what Islam inculcates, would not have been a booster of the Iraq
the Model (or Iraq the Light Unto the Muslim Nations) Project. For one would
have known that "democracy" in the Western sense is not possible -- that is,
a democracy that would enshrine the rights of the individual (as expressed
in the American Bill of Rights, or in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights), insist upon legal equality for non-Muslims and for women, and,
above all, be based on a system that would require the people in Iraq (not
the "Iraqi people" in whom Bush so devoutly appears to believe) to locate
political legitimacy in the expressed will of the people. (See the
social-contract theories, see Hobbes, see Locke, see Rousseau, and go right
up to Rawls, by which governments are legitimated by appeal to that will.) 

The people in Iraq do not believe that it is the expressed will of the
people that matters, but rather the will expressed by Allah in Qur'an (and
glossed by the Sunnah). But Bush scarcely knew or knows a thing about Islam.
His chief advisors on the subject have been, inter alios, a professor of law
in Ohio. And how did Karen Hughes, our great expert in "reaching out"
(something that in any case is completely contrary to what should be done)
to the world of Islam, decide that this was just one more little topic,
easily mastered, and that in no time at all, by meeting with Saudi
ambassadors and suchlike, they'd get the hang of it? 

But, you will say, didn't Kanan Makiya and Ahmed Chalabi explain that
everything would be all right? Didn't Bernard Lewis think it would all work
out fine? And what about all those predictions -- Paul Wolfowitz claiming
the entire war and brief occupation, so very brief, would cost some tens of
billions of dollars, or that other fellow, the one who said it would be
"walk in the park"? What about Richard Perle, who was so sound when he was
Henry Jackson's deputy but apparently not eager to study Islam himself?
Instead he and the rest were willing to rely on those nice unrepresentative
Shi'a-in-exile who were all over Washington. It is they who deserve the most
credit for the war in Iraq. It is they who held out the promise of so much,
in their desire to convince or inveigle the Americans into removing Saddam
Hussein.

And Lewis himself, who has Arab visitors to his house to see his rarities in
Princeton, always seems so impressed with those Arabs and Muslims who share
one important characteristic: they all appear to be so impressed with
Bernard Lewis. And so Ahmed Chalabi was seen as an Iraqi attuned to Iraqi
reality, when Ahmed Chalabi in fact had been out of Iraq for 45 years. After
all, he was a serious mathematician, with a doctorate from the University of
Chicago to prove it. (And what has become of Waring's Problem, since it gave
Chalabi, or he gave it, the slip?) And then there was Kanan Makiya, author
of "The Republic of Fear" and stout oppononent of both Saddam Hussein and
that other bully, this one in so-called intellectual matters, Edward Said.
And there was also that charming Arab lady interested in rescuing the Arab
world, who was, and perhaps still is, a great and good friend of Paul
Wolfowitz. Wolfowitz may have learned from her, rather than from quiet days
and nights among the books, nights spent not only studying but taking in,
assimilating, the material -- which requires the quiet that the hectic
vacancy of Washington so seldom permits. 

And then there was not only Islam, but history itself. Where was the study
of the divide between Sunni and Shi'a? It was seen as something temporary,
something that could and would be bridged. After all, were there not
Sunni-Shi'a marriages? Were there not good Sunnis and good Shi'a --
precisely the kind one would find among the secularized and outwardly
westernized elites in exile, the very people who knew each other and who
presented themselves as "representative" Iraqis? 

Lewis might have been dreaming, for all we know, of an Iraq that would be
run by his friends and acquaintances, such as Ahmed Chalabi and Kanan Makiya
and Mithal al-Alusi and all the other unrepresentative representative men.
How many votes did the slate of Ahmed Chalabi receive? Compare that result
with the slate of Moqtada al-Sadr, or the parties controlled by people only
a tad less unpleasant than Moqtada al-Sadr. And if the Sunnis were really to
participate wholeheartedly in one of those purple-thumbed supposedly
majestic exercises in voting, for whom would they vote? Mithal al-Alusi?
Well, no, because when he ran, on his own, he received 4,500 votes in a
country of 27 million. 

The clash between Sunnis and Shi'a goes back to earliest Islam. The depth
and duration of that hostility, which in history-haunted Islam can be so
easily evoked, so easily brought up and made more real for those living in
the present than the present itself, was simply ignored by these
Iraqis-in-exile. Party, it was a function of their own ignorance. They
really thought that the "problem" of Iraq was Saddam Hussein and the last
thirty years. They didn't know Iraq's history. Had they spent time reading,
say, Elie Kedourie (oh, but he doesn't count because he was Jewish and as an
adult lived in England? So his meticulous and dry studies count for nothing?
Is that it?), they would have seen the history of suppression of enemies, of
endemic violence, of palace coups. Remember "strongman" Nuri es-Said? They
would have read about that early revolt of the Shi'a tribes, who were
unwilling to be ruled, as the British wanted them to be ruled, by a Sunni
king and a Sunni elite (see "The Letters of Gertrude Bell").

Islam was not understood. Iraq was wilfully misunderstood. 

Otherwise, the American government, the Bush Administration, knew -- and
knows -- exactly what it is doing. 

History, history. 

 



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