No harm there...like the Chicago gang wars...as long as terrorists are
killing each other, let them.
 
B 


As clashes continue, reality overtakes the illusion of Palestinian unity

By Steven Erlanger

Wednesday, May 16, 2007

http://iht.com/articles/2007/05/16/news/jerus.php

 

JERUSALEM: Deadly clashes this week between Hamas and Fatah fighters suggest
that the Palestinian unity government, put together under Saudi auspices at
the end of March, is something of a fiction.

 

It never got off to a serious start, and as the resignation Monday of the
independent interior minister, Hani al-Qawasmeh, made clear, the leaders of
the fighting men were never prepared to listen to one authority anyway.

 

The continuing battle between Fatah and Hamas for power in Gaza also makes
the likelihood of substantive peace talks between Israel and the
Palestinians ever more distant.

 

Violence continued Wednesday, as Hamas fighters fired rockets into Israel
and battled their rivals from Fatah in the Gaza Strip, The Associated Press
reported from Gaza City. Hamas gunmen stormed the home of a top Fatah
official in Gaza early Wednesday, burning the house and executing six
bodyguards, Palestinian officials said. They also mistakenly ambushed a jeep
carrying their own fighters, killing five of them.

 

On Tuesday, the day in the Muslim calendar that Palestinians commemorate as
al nakba, or the catastrophe, that overtook them after Israel's
independence, fighting was fed by continued Hamas suspicion of U.S. motives
in training, funding and, indirectly, arming the Presidential Guard.

 

That guard is made up of fighters loyal to Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian
president and Fatah leader, and his recently chosen national security
adviser, Muhammad Dahlan.

 

It seemed no accident that Hamas chose Tuesday to attack the training base
of the Presidential Guard, near the Karni crossing, which the Fatah men are
supposed to protect under Washington's latest security plan for Gaza. The
attack seemed aimed as much at the United States for siding with Fatah as at
the guardsmen themselves, who did not fight very well, witnesses said.

 

Dahlan ordered a brigade undergoing training in Egypt to return to Gaza,
another measure of the stakes for Fatah there, where there are no Israeli
troops to keep Hamas underground.

 

The fighting raises the possibility that the Palestinian Authority itself
may collapse, leaving no titular administration in the Palestinian
territories responsible for security, law and justice, and no one able to
deal with Washington and the West.

 

Some Palestinians, like Ali Jarbawi at Birzeit University in the West Bank,
say it would be better to dissolve the Palestinian Authority, designed as an
interim administration for transition to statehood, to end the illusion of a
real government. Even Abbas has been known to raise the subject.

 

That would be a troubling outcome for Israel, which still retains legal
responsibility over the Palestinian territories, including Gaza, as the
occupying power, and would find itself again having to police them.

 

It would also make it nearly impossible for Israel to pull out of more of
the occupied West Bank - as it pulled out of Gaza - with no authority to
which it could hand the territory.

 

That is a main reason that Abbas pressed so hard to make the unity
government a reality: to restore a sense of security and dignity to
Palestinian life by including all political streams.

 

But if Hamas believes that it was wrong to choose the path of politics, it
may return to violence against Israel, setting off another round of
intifada.

 

One result of the Palestinian chaos and leadership failure is that
Jordanians are talking about a new form of Jordanian stewardship, but not
sovereignty, over the West Bank.

 

King Abdullah II has been calling for urgent peace talks to solve the
Israeli-Palestinian problem in the face of the Islamist challenge.

 

Palestinians like Saeb Erekat, an aide to Abbas, say any new confederation
with Jordan is impossible, and that may be one reason why the king, citing
weather problems, canceled his planned visit to Ramallah on Sunday to see
Abbas, who chose not to visit Jordan on Tuesday to meet with the king and
the Israeli prime minister, Ehud Olmert.

 

Israel feels increasingly trapped in its occupation by the disorder and
violence on the Palestinian side. Some Israelis, like Gidi Grinstein of the
Reut Institute, an independent research group in Tel Aviv, say that the
chaos is part of Hamas' strategy. For Hamas, Grinstein argues, peace is a
disaster since it solidifies and recognizes Israel, so the key is to prolong
the occupation.

 

For that very reason, he and others argue that Israel cannot rule out
unilateral withdrawals despite the Gaza experience, which did not end
anti-Israel violence and benefited Hamas.

 

Hamas has made it clear that while it generally respects a cease-fire with
Israel, it will do nothing to stop militant groups of the "resistance" -
including its own military wing - from firing rockets into Israel.

 

Those who favor Jordanian involvement say that in the West Bank, Jordan
could help, especially since U.S. and European troops are unlikely to police
a border or boundary with Israel.

 

There are similar hopes for Egypt in Gaza, but Hamas is much stronger there,
and the Egyptians have their own problems with the Muslim Brotherhood, of
which Hamas is a part.

 

Majorities of Israelis and Palestinians say they want peace and a division
of the land into two independent states. But without an authority on the
Palestinian side that is willing to and capable of stopping attacks by
Palestinian militants, Israel will probably not risk pulling back its army.

 

That is why Jordan, with its long relationship with the Palestinians, its
former rule over the West Bank, its peace treaty with Israel and strong
alliances with the United States, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf
countries, is seen by some as a kind of answer.

 

 



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