Shouldn't be a 'new' worry...Communist China has threatened the US for the
last 60 years.
 
B

 

The Wall Street Journal

July 16, 2007

SURFACE TENSIONS 
As China Grows, So Does Its Long-Neglected Navy 
Warship-Buying Spree Prompts New Worry In Washington,

Tokyo By GORDON FAIRCLOUGH 

KAOLAO, China -- On one side of a rocky promontory jutting
into the Yellow Sea here sits a ramshackle fishing village,
its wooden boats pulled up on the beach. On the other, lie
well-guarded berths that are home to some of the most
advanced vessels in the Chinese navy: heavily armed attack
submarines.

The stealthy subs, their black conning towers and tail fins
rising above the water, are one of the most potent signs of
China's ambitious effort to modernize its armed services,
particularly its long-neglected navy.

============================================ 
NAVAL MANEUVERS . The Situation: China's growing ties to the
world economy and its dependence on imports are driving it
to strengthen its military power, especially its navy.

. The Background: For years, China's military focused on
domestic issues and land borders. Now, the country's
leaders say they need to better protect their international
shipping routes.

. What's at Stake: The naval buildup is prompting alarm in
Washington, which is encouraging Japan to boost its own
military and naval capabilities.
============================================

Many believe China's growing ties to the world economy and
its dependence on imported oil and raw materials will
ensure China's "peaceful rise," as Beijing's leaders have
pledged. But these same commercial interests -- and the
need to defend them -- are also driving China to pursue
military might.

"The oceans are our lifelines. If commerce were cut off,
the economy would plummet," says Ni Lexiong, a fellow at
the Shanghai National Defense Institute and an outspoken
proponent of Chinese sea power. "We need a strong navy."

For Chinese strategists, the country's rapid economic
growth -- which underpins the Communist Party's continued
hold on political power -- and its military advancement are
now inextricably linked. "Security issues related to
energy, resources, finance, information and international
shipping routes are mounting," says a government white
paper published last December that lays out China's defense
policy.

In response, China says it will spend nearly $45 billion on
its military this year, an increase of about 18% from 2006.
It has also embarked on a ship-buying spree, acquiring
advanced vessels from Russia, and also building its own.
Over time, the strategy could remake the maritime balance
of power, first in Asia, and then in the rest of the world.

China's leadership insists that the world has nothing to
fear from a better-armed China. The navy, known officially
as the People's Liberation Army Navy, is still smaller and
less capable than that of the U.S., which has more than 100
major surface combat ships, including 11 aircraft carriers.
China has 76 main surface combatants and no carriers,
according to the International Institute for Strategic
Studies. The Chinese fleet is also untested in modern naval
warfare. [Chart]

But as China's navy becomes better equipped and farther
ranging, it is causing alarm bells to ring in Washington,
Tokyo and Taipei. The U.S. is strengthening its forces in
Asia, partly in response to China. It is also encouraging
Japan to boost its own military and naval capabilities, and
is even cultivating ties with Mongolia, on China's northern
border.

"The improvement in the Chinese military is significant.
That is obviously of interest to us and to everyone in the
world -- and appropriately so," says Adm. Timothy J.
Keating, commander in chief of U.S. forces in the Pacific.

Much of China's concern stems from its dependence on
foreign oil. China imports nearly 50% of its oil and is
more dependent on imported Middle Eastern crude than the
U.S. Roughly 72% of China's imported oil now comes from the
Persian Gulf and Africa on tankers that pass through the
narrow Strait of Malacca -- a strategic choke point --
between the Indonesian island of Sumatra and peninsular
Malaysia.

President Hu Jintao has referred to the potential
vulnerability of his country's energy supplies as China's
"Malacca dilemma." The country has no ships stationed
permanently near the straits.

China also depends on the outside world for a host of other
raw materials --from copper to coal and iron ore --
required to keep what is now the world's fourth-largest
economy humming. Nearly all of China's trade moves by sea
from the country's east coast. Many exports are carried by
China's own burgeoning fleet of merchant ships.

"Economic globalization entails globalization of the
military means for self-defense," Zhang Wenmu, a professor
of strategic studies at the Beijing University of
Aeronautics and Astronautics, wrote last year in China
Security, a military-affairs journal. "With these complex
and expanding interests, risks to China's well-being have
not lessened, but have actually increased."

At the submarine base here in eastern Shandong province,
there are signs of the naval shift. Submarines shelter
behind breakwaters between sea patrols. Chinese subs have
been detected in the waters around Japan and as far into
the western Pacific as Guam, site of important U.S.
military installations.

A short way down the coast at the headquarters of China's
North Sea Fleet in Qingdao, warships -- including some
destroyers equipped with powerful Russian-made guided
missiles -- share the sprawling port with civilian
container ships and oil tankers.

For most of its history, China's military, the People's
Liberation Army, has focused on defeating domestic
opponents of the Communist Party and fighting along the
nation's land borders. The navy had a relatively small role
in that mission and concentrated primarily on coastal
defense. Today, the navy accounts for about 13% of the 2.3
million people in China's armed forces.

For the first 30 years of Communist Party rule, China
remained primarily an agricultural country caught up in
political upheaval. There was little foreign trade, and
economic growth was so slow that there was little demand
for resources from outside.

But as China began to open in earnest in the late 1980s and
early 1990s, a series of geopolitical shifts and China's
accelerating economy combined to radically alter Chinese
leaders' views of the kind of military the country needs.

In 1996, during a standoff between leaders in Beijing and
Taipei over Taiwanese moves to assert independence, China
test-fired missiles near the island. The U.S. responded by
ordering carrier battle groups to the area.

China's inability to prevent this U.S. show of military
strength and support for Taiwan rankled political and
military leaders in Beijing. They started to develop what
is viewed by the Pentagon as an "anti-access strategy." The
Pentagon says it is designed to limit the U.S. military's
freedom of movement in Asia and, specifically, its ability
to intervene in any conflict between China and Taiwan.

The cornerstone of China's effort is its elite submarine
force. In recent years, eight new Russian-built,
diesel-powered Kilo-class submarines have been added to the
fleet, joining a growing number of new Chinese-built attack
submarines, including some powered by nuclear reactors. The
Kilo subs are especially stealthy and hard to detect when
submerged.

China's navy now has nearly 60 submarines, according to
U.S. estimates. Some of the newest are equipped with
Russian-made cruise missiles that fly at supersonic speeds
when they approach their targets and were specifically
designed to attack and sink aircraft carriers, according to
U.S. naval officers. Some subs also have advanced
torpedoes, which home in on ships' wakes at high speed. [A
port visit by a Chinese warship in San Diego last year] A
port visit by a Chinese warship in San Diego last year

"They've decided that submarines are the best way to delay
a U.S. entry" into any conflict over Taiwan by threatening
U.S. aircraft carriers, says Bernard D. Cole, a retired
U.S. Navy captain who now teaches at the National War
College in Washington and studies the Chinese navy.
"There's nothing harder than finding submarines. It's a
very tough business."

China is also building its own surface warships, including
frigates and destroyers, and fitting them out with Russian
radars and antiaircraft weapons. Destroyers are the largest
class of surface warship in widespread use by world navies.
China's are equipped with guns and guided missiles and have
a crew of 200 to 300. Frigates have similar armaments, but
are smaller.

China's shipyards have been working on two new types of
nuclear-powered submarines, which are undergoing sea
trials, according to Chinese naval officers. And late last
year, China received the second of two sophisticated
Russian-made, Sovremenny II guided-missile destroyers,
adding to its tally of Russian-built surface ships.

While the immediate driver of China's naval development has
been the potential for conflict over Taiwan, its
longer-term goals are much broader. Navy officers speak of
developing three oceangoing fleets, one that would patrol
the areas around Korea and Japan, another that would push
out into the western Pacific and a third that would protect
the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean.

"The navy needs to be able to go wherever China has
economic interests," says one senior Chinese naval officer
who spoke on condition of anonymity. "China should have
naval forces stationed at strategic points," the officer
says, even though "this would certainly push China into
more direct confrontation with developed countries."

China has helped finance and engineer the construction of a
deep-water port in Pakistan that U.S. defense planners say
could be used by Chinese naval forces in the future, giving
them easier access to the Arabian Sea and Persian Gulf
region. U.S. military officers also believe China is
operating listening posts in southern Myanmar to monitor
shipping traffic through the Strait of Malacca.

China has also begun building a network of satellites that
can be used to guide navigation by its own ships at sea, as
well as to keep track of other countries' vessels. Chinese
military leaders are even talking about building aircraft
carriers -- which for decades have been the mainstay of
U.S. maritime power.

Concerns over the potential cost of building and operating
such an extensive navy have prompted some national security
experts in China to argue against it. These critics say
China should continue to be a so-called free rider,
allowing the U.S. and its global navy to bear the burden of
policing the seas.

For now, the sea power advocates appear to be winning.
China's President Hu attended a navy conclave in Beijing in
December. "We should strive to build a powerful navy that
adapts to the needs of our military's historical mission in
this new century and at this new stage," Mr. Hu told the
assembled officers.

China's expanding naval presence is already being felt in
the Pacific. In October, a Chinese submarine armed with
torpedoes and powerful antiship cruise missiles surfaced
within firing range of the American aircraft carrier USS
Kitty Hawk, part of the U.S. Seventh Fleet, during
maneuvers in the Pacific Ocean east of the Philippines.

The encounter ended peacefully. But the admiral commanding
American forces in the Pacific at the time, William Fallon,
later told reporters that the incident could have
"escalated into something very unforeseen."

The U.S. is the only country that regularly operates
aircraft carriers in Northeast Asia. And U.S. officers feel
that China's pursuit of weapons that can be used against
carriers has put U.S. forces in its sights. "When you
acquire those niche capabilities, it raises questions,"
says one U.S. officer assigned to monitoring Chinese
military advances. "We're a little unclear on why they are
focusing on those."

Adm. Keating, the new U.S. commander in the Pacific, says
he is trying to get a better understanding of Beijing's
motives and military capabilities. He is pushing for more
access to Chinese forces and more exchanges and expanded
joint exercises by the two navies.

The U.S. is also strengthening its military posture in
Asia. "I don't think China necessarily has to be a threat.
I don't think they've made up their mind yet," says one
veteran Pentagon Asia specialist. "That's why we have to
take a hedging strategy."

China, in turn, looks at these steps as all the more reason
to push ahead with its military buildup. The U.S. moves
also strengthen the hand of nationalists in China, who
believe Washington and others are intent on blocking
China's development. Such views are also held in the
mainstream parts of the government.

"If we develop a strong navy with more advanced weapon
systems, we have more choices. It's possible that China
will join in a cooperative system headed by the U.S.," says
Mr. Ni of the Shanghai National Defense Institute. "But we
would also be ready to fight if we have to."



.
 
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