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A Look at the Hamas (Muslim Brotherhood) Government


By Douglas Farah



Today's Washington
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/16/AR200709160
1487.html?hpid=moreheadlines> Post  (BELOW) carries a fascinating look at
the way Hamas, the West Bank branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, runs its
government.

The two trends that have made Islamist governments both accepted and
disliked are clearly on display. The first thing the Hamas government seems
to have done is get rid of the perpetual insecurity, crime and endemic
corruption. This is a pattern repeated from Afghanistan to Somalia, and one
that is often at the top of the list of priorities of civilian populations.

These actions, as they did elsewhere, buy an enormous amount of goodwill
among the general public, and is a facet that is usually sorely lacking in
U.S.-led efforts to win hearts and minds.

The second trend is the imposition of Islamist behavior. The article notes
that "Gaza's streets have taken on an increasingly Islamic cast in recent
months. The improved everyday security has brought people back to the
markets, beaches and parks, many of them women wearing for the first time
the full black gown, gloves and face covering favored by the most
conservative Muslims." My full
<http://www.douglasfarah.com/article/247/how-the-rule-of-hamas-muslim-brothe
rhood-in-the-west-bank.com> blog is here.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/16/AR2007091601
487.html?hpid=moreheadlines

Hamas's New Order Exacts Toll On Gazans
Party Cements Grip With Harsh Tactics


By Scott Wilson
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, September 17, 2007; A01




GAZA CITY -- For years, the seaside Flower of the Cities resort was that
rare place in the Gaza Strip
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/related/topic/Gaza+Strip?tid=informline>
where the dress code did not rule out bikinis. Now, with some of its
cinder-block cabanas turned into prayer rooms, the beach club shows how
Hamas <http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/related/topic/Hamas?tid=informline>
is consolidating its hold here three months after seizing power.

Bushy beards and black head-to-toe cloaks for women have become common at
the club, which the armed Islamic movement torched in June after routing the
secular Fatah
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/related/topic/Fatah+Organization?tid=info
rmline>  party on the streets. The facility has been rebranded the al-Aqsa
Resort, with a new logo featuring the revered mosque complex in Jerusalem
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/related/topic/Jerusalem?tid=informline>
next to a beach umbrella. Hamas followers collect the $2.50 entrance fee.

Like the party it supported, the bikini crowd has disappeared, leaving the
trash-flecked beach and murky swimming pool to Bassem al-Khodori and a
half-dozen other Hamas supporters, who now have jobs at the resort.

"Before," said Khodori, 32, a cafeteria worker, "only the others were
allowed."

Facing money shortages, a shrinking private sector and growing political
resistance, Hamas leaders are increasingly imposing harsh interpretations of
Islamic law and using brute force to bolster their isolated administration,
which remains illegitimate in the view of Palestinian Authority President
Mahmoud Abbas
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/related/topic/Mahmoud+Abbas?tid=informlin
e>  of Fatah and his U.S.-backed government in the West Bank
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/related/topic/West+Bank?tid=informline> .

Reconciliation between the two largest Palestinian parties -- now running
parallel governments in what had been envisioned as the two territories of a
Palestinian state with a single government -- appears as distant as when
Abbas dissolved the Hamas-led power-sharing government after the fighting in
June.

Many of Gaza's almost 1.5 million residents, who celebrated Israel's
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/world/countries/israel.html?nav=el>
withdrawal two years ago only to fall into civil war soon after, have seen
their lives improve in some ways and suffer in others as the result of the
political split within the Palestinian Authority
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/related/topic/Palestinian+National+Author
ity?tid=informline>  and Hamas's brand of rule here.

While Hamas has imposed order on Gaza's lawless streets, gunmen from its
Executive Force, a 5,000-member paramilitary unit, have employed repressive
tactics against Fatah supporters and local journalists.

International aid is again funding Palestinian government salaries, helping
revive parts of Gaza's economy. But the closure of the cargo crossings from
Israel for all but emergency aid is depriving Gaza's small manufacturers of
raw materials. An estimated 85 percent of the territory's manufacturing
sector has been shut down since June and more than 35,000 workers have been
laid off, according to the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs

"We blame Hamas, the reason for all of this," said Hamdi Badr, 49, who two
months ago shut down the clothing factory his family has owned since 1969.
"But we don't really know what to do."

The steel shutters of storefront factories along Badr's street are closed,
and the only sign of life is dogs sniffing through pyramids of trash.
Abbas's government in the West Bank has cut off municipal funds that Gaza
once used for garbage collection.

Badr flipped on fluorescent lights over rows of empty sewing machines,
ceiling fans suddenly stirring the musty air. He employed 50 people when he
closed his doors, and earned $4,000 a month. Now the people and profits are
gone.

"It's always the citizens, people like me and the ones who worked here, who
pay for these political disputes," he said.

Gaza's streets have taken on an increasingly Islamic cast in recent months.
The improved everyday security has brought people back to the markets,
beaches and parks, many of them women wearing for the first time the full
black gown, gloves and face covering favored by the most conservative
Muslims.

Gunmen from the Executive Force are posted along the main avenues and at
intersections. In Friday sermons, imams appointed by the Hamas-run
administration accuse Abbas of collaborating with Israel and the Bush
administration.

The Hamas administration, led by deposed prime minister Ismail Haniyeh
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/related/topic/Ismail+Haniyeh?tid=informli
ne> , is funding itself through utility, licensing and other taxes. Abbas
has urged Gazans not to pay those bills to deprive Hamas of the money.

The taxes are generating enough to pay some of the roughly 30,000 government
employees Abbas cut from the payroll because they were hired under the
Hamas-led government. Many work for the Executive Force, now the main
security branch in Gaza.

"We, for the first time, are operating a real security and justice system
here," said Mahmoud al-Zahar, a Hamas hard-liner whose influence has grown
since the June takeover. "Under the Fatah security forces, it was, A to Z,
deeply corrupt."

Zahar, a surgeon who served as foreign minister in Hamas's first government,
said the movement is unrepentant about routing Fatah in Gaza. He favors
"military trials" for the former Fatah security officials who once
persecuted Hamas followers in the strip, calling them "American-Israeli
collaborators."

The Hamas-run television channel has popularized that characterization. One
children's cartoon it aired recently depicted Fatah gunmen as mice, throwing
dollars in the air, shooting children with U.S.-made weapons, unveiling
Muslim women and firing at mosques before the Hamas "lion" comes to the
rescue.

Zahar said Abbas's appointed government is "illegitimate," calling illegal
the president's decision to withhold some funds from Gaza and his recent
decree effectively banning Hamas from future elections. The Islamic
movement, classified as a terrorist organization by Israel and the Bush
administration, defeated Fatah in January 2006 parliamentary elections.

"How will he impose any of this in Gaza?" Zahar said. "He's a man that has
lost all his credibility."

After Friday prayers in recent weeks, Fatah supporters have marched through
Gaza's streets in protest against the Hamas administration. "Shia! Shia!"
the demonstrators shouted, an insulting reference to the Sunni Muslim
movement's inflexible Islamic character and financial support from the
Shiite government of Iran
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/world/countries/iran.html?nav=el> .

Their numbers have swelled into the thousands, and Hamas's patience appears
exhausted. The Palestinian Scholars League, an Islamic council dominated by
Hamas clerics, issued a fatwa early this month prohibiting outdoor prayer.

The decree came days after members of the Executive Force beat and detained
dozens of demonstrators, some of whom had tossed homemade noise grenades and
stones at Hamas security compounds.

"All the mosques are controlled now by Hamas, so we said we would not pray
in them but only outside," said Mohammed Yassin, 19, a Fatah supporter who
works in a barbershop.

After he threw a noise grenade at Hamas forces one Friday last month, Yassin
recalled, he ran away and hid near his house. But he said his neighbors told
the Hamas men where he was hiding, and he was beaten with sticks and rifle
butts. After being treated in the hospital, he was taken to jail.

"They told me, 'If you go to any more demonstrations, you are going to pay,'
" Yassin said.

On the bulletin board in the Health Ministry's lobby hangs another recent
fatwa, this one declaring that a partial strike by medical staff at Shifa
Hospital runs counter to Islamic teachings.

For weeks, doctors at Gaza's largest hospital have been working only three
hours each morning, leaving in limbo scores of patients needing post-surgery
checkups, medications, examinations or signed permission to leave Gaza for
treatment in Israel. Abbas has urged the doctors to stay off the job.

The dispute stems from the recent firing of the hospital's director and its
longtime public relations officer because, the doctors say, they supported
Fatah.

"They told me that if I stayed a bullet might enter my head," said Jumah
al-Saqa, 49, the former spokesman, who was removed from his office by Hamas
gunmen last month after two decades in the post. "They want Hamas in all
those jobs."

But Bassem Naim, the Hamas health minister, said the argument is about which
government -- the one in Gaza or the one in the West Bank -- has the right
to appoint senior ministry officials. He said the decision to strike was
made as medicine shortages loom and "hundreds of patients" are being
prevented from continuing regular treatments in Israel.

"It is a political strike, but it has nothing to do with whether one man is
Fatah and one man is Hamas," Naim said. "This situation is dangerous,
though, especially since the strike is supported by the government" in the
West Bank.

Just before 11 a.m. one recent morning, scores of men, women and children
waited outside numbered rooms, bloody bandages lashed around fingers,
makeshift slings on tiny arms, X-rays clutched in old hands. The doctors
left minutes later, leaving Thamam al-Bes outside Room 23 with no one to
conduct her follow-up exam after last month's open-heart surgery.

"I'm waiting for a doctor, and now there are none," said Bes, 54, who had
traveled from her home in a refugee camp in central Gaza. "We just live in
gloom and disease."



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