<http://www.nypost.com/> clip_image001Updated: Sat., Feb. 12, 2011, 10:46 PM 
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Curse of the mummy

By AMIR TAHERI

Last Updated: 10:46 PM, February 12, 2011

Posted: 10:44 PM, February 12, 2011

For thousands of years, Egyptians have known that when a mummy encounters life 
it disintegrates. This is what happened when President Hosni Mubarak fell apart 
in the face of an Egyptian people full of life and youth. 

For years, whenever I saw Mubarak, he reminded me of a mummy. He spent a 
considerable time each day to “prepare” himself. That meant dying his hair and 
eyebrows jet black, and applying rouge to his cheeks to make them look rosy, in 
more or less the same way Egyptian mummy makers did with dead pharaohs.

He also wore heels to look taller and used a corset to keep his belly in. 
Despite declining eyesight, he shunned glasses in public. Even in his 80s, he 
wanted to appear alive and young, just as pharaohs had done.

Mubarak’s attempts at securing eternal youth were faintly comical and 
ultimately harmless.

What was not comical and certainly harmless was the mummification of his regime.

The first sign of mummification was Mubarak’s unwillingness or inability to 
change the top echelon of government, ending up as the head of a geriatric club.

Cabinet ministers could remain in their posts for 20 years. A who’s who of 
courtiers, perhaps numbering around 100, rotated in top government positions in 
a nation of 82 million with great reservoirs of talent.

This led to the emergence of a medieval system in which ministers and heads of 
major public corporations acted as semi-independent princelings in their 
fiefdoms.

Policies were also mummified.

Economic policy was still driven by the “Infitah” (opening) project launched by 
President Anwar Sadat in 1974.

This encouraged a Wild West-style economic system with few rules to protect 
public interest. Immense fortunes were made, breeding immense poverty in their 
wake. With high rates of economic growth, there was no reason why any Egyptian 
should live on less than $2 a day. But at least a third did.

One trick was to buy government-owned land at derisory prices and then sell it 
to people for real estate development at exorbitant ones. This drove prices 
through the roof.

Millions of young Egyptians cannot leave their parents’ homes and build 
families of their own because they cannot afford the cost of housing.

Education policy was also mummified. Sadat had launched a crash program to 
produce graduates in law and economics to serve in his expanding civil service. 
Mubarak turned that policy into another mummy.

As a result Egypt has produced a vast army of men and women with university 
degrees but no prospect of employment. They provided the backbone of the Tahrir 
Square crowd.

At the start of his presidency, Mubarak had declared a state of emergency, for 
three months. Thirty years later, when he was leaving, the measure was still in 
force. The mummified gimmick, which banned meetings of even five people in 
public, was still law when public gatherings of half a million had become part 
of Cairo’s daily life.

In early 1990s, to counterbalance pro-democracy groups, Mubarak started wooing 
Islamists including the Muslim Brotherhood.

State-owned media gave much airtime to religious propaganda. Government money 
helped build thousands of new mosques and financed hundreds of Koranic schools 
and theological colleges. Though technically illegal, The Muslim Brotherhood 
was allowed to extend its tentacles throughout society, including the armed 
forces and police. In the previous general election, the “outlawed” Brotherhood 
was assigned 80 seats in the parliament.

The Mubarak era saw the most intensive effort of Islamicization Egypt had 
experienced in centuries.

Not surprisingly, as the pro-democracy movement started calling for change, the 
Brotherhood opened negotiations with Mubarak to save the mummified system of 
which suited hem both.

The uprising that drove Mubarak away was, at least in part, an attempt by 
Egyptians to get away from the suffocating religious mummy created by the Rais 
(president).

In 2004, under pressure from President George W. Bush, Mubarak allowed some 
space for dissent. That policy, too, became a mummy. Rather than seeing it as a 
first step, as Bush had advised, Mubarak saw it as the end. As a result, 
Egyptians were allowed to criticize the regime, even in some newspapers without 
seeing any change in policy. The message was: You may bark, but our caravan 
goes on!

Foreign policy too was mummified. Alliance with the United States became a 
formal arrangement under which the Americans signed checks, gave pep talks on 
human rights and deluded themselves into believing that Egypt would help 
achieve their objectives in the Middle East.

The “partnership” with Saudi Arabia provided the second pillar of foreign 
policy. In the end, however, Egypt ended up playing Sancho Panza to the Saudi 
Don Quixote in tragic-comical pursuits. They tried to destabilise the new in 
Iraq and ended up helping al Qaeda there. They tried to reconcile the 
Palestinian Fatah and Hamas factions, and ended up consolidating the latter’s 
hold on Gaza.

In Lebanon, they backed the Hariri faction but ended up retreating when Iran, 
moving its Hezbollah pawns, decided to seize power in Beirut.

They tried to stand up to Iran’s nuclear ambitions and ended up stoking the 
ancient fires of Arab-Persian hatred.

When Mubarak took over, Egypt was in peace with Israel. Mubarak took that peace 
and turned it into a mummy. He vetoed attempts at promoting people-to-people 
contacts and building bridges at all levels of society. When he left, there was 
no peace between Egypt and Israel except on the papers signed at Camp David.

The Tahrir Square uprising was mainly about domestic issues, especially 
poverty, corruption and lack of freedom. However, in the filigree was a deep 
sense of humiliation. Egypt, the largest Arab country and one of three nations 
to have played a leading role in the Muslim world, had ended up with virtually 
no foreign policy and, hence, no influence. Instead, statelets like Qatar were 
claiming to lead Arabs.

With Mubarak gone, the hope is that mummified Egypt will give its place to a 
new Egypt that is alive and vibrant.

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