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STRATFOR   Wednesday, April 6, 2011 

 


France Struggles in Libya as the U.S. Focuses Elsewhere


France responded to rising criticism Wednesday from eastern Libyan rebels
stating that NATO is not doing enough to protect them from Libyan leader
Moammar Gadhafi's forces, as the air campaign nears the three-week mark. The
rebels posit that NATO is overly concerned with avoiding civilian
casualties, and as a result, it is allowing the Libyan army to regain
territory lost during its low point last week. Indeed, the army's most
recent counteroffensive has taken it back through Brega, with Ajdabiya now
within its sights once again, while the rebel enclave of Misrata in western
Libya continues to get bombarded by loyalist forces on a daily basis.
France, which was the biggest proponent of involvement in Libya from the
start, would very much like to step up the intensity of the campaign against
Gadhafi, but is handicapped by the rules of engagement that NATO is
operating under and the inherent limitations of airpower. Thus, French
officials took time Wednesday to explain (in couched terms) why it is not
Paris' fault that NATO jets are not pursuing the enemy more aggressively and
how France was trying to adjust the way the military operation is being
conducted.

"The United States was conspicuously absent from Wednesday's debate over
whether NATO is doing enough in Libya."

French Foreign Minister Alan Juppe and French Chief of Defense Staff Adm.
Edouard Guillaud both said Wednesday that NATO's aversion to killing
civilians is the main problem facing the operation. While Juppe was slightly
less direct in his criticism of NATO, Paris clearly sees the current
situation as unlikely to lead to any real success on the battlefield. More
than two weeks of daily airstrikes have taken out almost all of the easy
targets, and Gadhafi has shifted his tactics to avoid drawing enemy fire,
meaning that a stalemate is fast approaching. Indeed, Juppe expressed fears
that at the current pace, NATO forces risk getting "bogged down" in a
situation that has the ability to linger on for months without producing a
clear-cut winner.

NATO officials tried to defend its record in response to the rebel criticism
and the French complaints, with one spokesman saying Wednesday that its
planes have flown more than 1,000 sorties - with at least 400 of them strike
sorties - in the last six days, and on April 5 alone it flew 155 sorties,
with almost 200 planned for Wednesday. This is unlikely to mollify concerns
from those who want more intense action, however, about the potential for
the Libyan intervention to accomplish nothing but create an uneasy, de facto
partition. As no one - not even Paris - wants to put boots on the ground,
though, the best solution Jupee could proffer was to broach the topic of
NATO's timid approach with NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen in a
Wednesday meeting. There, he was expected to push the suggestion for NATO to
create a safe sea lane connecting Misrata to Benghazi, so that supplies
could be shipped in by unknown naval forces.

The United States was conspicuously absent from Wednesday's debate over
whether NATO is doing enough in Libya. While French foreign policy is
focused almost entirely on Africa (where France is involved in two
conflicts, the other being the Ivory Coast), Washington's attention span is
divided between Libya and the Persian Gulf.

The Persian Gulf may appear a lot calmer than it did three weeks ago, but
the challenge of containing Iran looms large. Washington is seeking now to
mend damaged ties with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries that felt
they did not receive enough American support during February and March. In
addition, Washington is likely having second thoughts about its scheduled
withdrawal from Iraq this summer, and suspects that Iran may have been
seeking to foment much of the instability that was seen in Bahrain, which
had a slight ripple effect on the situation in Saudi Arabia's own
Shiite-rich Eastern province.

?U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates visited both Riyadh and Baghdad
Wednesday, while U.S. Central Command Gen. James Mattis was in Manama, three
regional capitals that form a line of American Arab alliances that serve as
strong counters to Iranian hegemony in the Persian Gulf. Maintaining the
balance of power between the Saudis (and by extension, the other five Gulf
Cooperation Council countries, as well as Iraq) and Iranians in the Persian
Gulf is of the utmost importance for the United States, certainly more
important than anything that might occur in Libya. ?

Gates visited Saudi Arabia at a time in which relations between the United
States and the kingdom are at their lowest in nearly a decade, as a result
of what Riyadh viewed as American indecisiveness during not just the
uprising in Bahrain, but also in Egypt and elsewhere. Saudi King Abdullah
canceled a meeting in March with Gates and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton, officially due to his health. However, it could have been seen as
anger over how Washington was treating allied regimes during the midst of
the popular unrest that has been spreading across the region since January.
While he was there, he made the strongest comments to date by U.S. officials
about the role of Iranian meddling in the region, saying for the first time
that the United States has explicit evidence of a destabilization campaign
hatched by Tehran. This was music to Saudi ears, as Riyadh and its GCC
cohorts have been pushing this notion for the past several weeks in public,
and the past several years in private, as seen by the WikiLeaks cables from
Riyadh.

Meanwhile, Mattis' presence in Bahrain was a sign that while the United
States may still be committed to the al-Khalifa family engaging in reforms,
it is not about to abandon them in the face of the popular uprising that has
largely been suppressed. Washington's support for Bahrain, where the U.S.
Fifth Fleet is based, is by extension support for Saudi Arabia, as Shiite
unrest in one directly affects the Shiite population in the other.

It was most interesting that Gates ended his trip in Baghdad, where the
United States is trying to withdraw forces by the end of the year.
Washington is officially still committed to its withdrawal timetable,
especially with U.S. President Barack Obama now officially back in campaign
mode for the 2012 elections. Iraq was labeled by Obama during the 2008
campaign as the "wrong war" and has staked a large chunk of his political
capital upon following through with a pledge to withdraw. But the events of
2011, and the strategic imperative of maintaining the balance of power in
the Persian Gulf as a means of countering Iranian power, may be cause for a
broken promise, or a slightly delayed one at least.


 

 

 
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