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Are the feds torturing the Patriot Act for location data?


By  <http://arstechnica.com/author/timothy-b-lee/> Timothy B. Lee |
Published about 4 hours ago

 
<http://static.arstechnica.net/assets/2009/01/cell-phone-tracking-thumb-640x
auto-235.jpg> 

It's hard to imagine a Senator making a blunter statement than Sen. Ron
Wyden (D-OR) made in the heat of the Patriot Act reauthorization fight last
month: "When the American people find out how their government has secretly
interpreted the Patriot Act," he said, "they will be stunned and they will
be angry." Wyden is in a position to know. As a member of the Senate
Intelligence Committee, he receives classified briefings from the executive
branch. And in recent years, three other current and former members of the
Senate-Mark Udall (D-CO), Dick Durbin (D-IL), and Russ Feingold (D-WI)-have
made similar comments.

These statements are puzzling because the explicit powers Congress has given
to the government are already quite broad. For example, we've extensively
covered the
<http://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/news/2008/07/fisa-compromise.ars> FISA
Amendments Act of 2008 and the
<http://arstechnica.com/security/news/2008/03/progress-on-national-security-
letters-has-been-slow.ars> rapid increase in the use of National Security
Letters since the enactment of the Patriot Act. Apparently, the government
has such an appetite for information about Americans that it has felt the
need to push even these quite generous boundaries.

The government's activities are shrouded in secrecy, so we can't be sure
what the senators are referring to. But the evidence suggests that the Obama
administration is using Section 215 of the Patriot Act-a provision that
gives the government access to "business records"-as the legal basis for the
large-scale collection of cell phone location records.


What we know


It seems clear that the senators' concerns relate to Section 215 of the
Patriot Act. As Ars alumnus Julian Sanchez ably explains in a
<http://www.cato.org/pubs/pas/PA675.pdf> recent paper for the Cato
Institute, Section 215 gives the government the power to obtain "business
records" without a showing of probable cause. The debate over section 215
has largely focused on
<http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/law_librarian_blog/2010/03/section-215-one
-more-time.html> library records, but the Patriot Act's definition of a
"business record" extends to any "tangible thing."

When Congress considered limiting the use of Section 215 orders to terrorism
investigations in 2009, it ran into stiff opposition from the Obama
administration. Sen. Durbin wasn't happy about this. "The real reason for
resisting this obvious, common-sense modification of Section 215 is
unfortunately cloaked in secrecy," he said. He suggested that this secrecy
was inconsistent with "transparency, accountability, and fidelity to the
rule of law and our Constitution"

An even more direct statement came from Sen Feingold. He noted that Patriot
Act supporters had claimed in 2005 that Section 215 had never been misused.
"They cannot make that statement now," he said. "They have been misused."
Unfortunately, he said, the details were classified.

So in 2009, at least two Senators believed that Section 215 of the Patriot
Act was being abused. Two years later, in the midst of a debate about again
extending Section 215 authority, two other Senators complained about
classified Patriot Act abuses. It's not a big leap to suppose these comments
all refer to the same government activity.


Every step you take


So what's the government doing? A growing body of evidence suggests the
controversy is related to cell phone location data. Law enforcement
officials have become increasingly reliant on this kind of information. In a
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1845644> recent paper on
the subject, Stephanie K. Pell and Christopher Soghoian tell the story of
the
<http://www.dallasnews.com/news/community-news/dallas/headlines/20100204-Sca
recrow-Bandits-bank-robber-8361.ece> Scarecrow Bandits, a gang that
committed a string of bank robberies in the Dallas area. FBI agents captured
the gang by examining cell phone location records and identifying phones
that had made calls near several of the banks that were robbed.

In a
<http://www.cato-at-liberty.org/atlas-bugged-why-the-secret-law-of-the-patri
ot-act-is-probably-about-location-tracking/> lengthy blog post, Julian
Sanchez recently laid out the evidence tying the Section 215 controversy to
the government's appetite for location data.

First, Wyden
<http://www.wired.com/dangerroom/2011/05/bill-would-keep-big-brothers-mitts-
off-your-gps-data/> recently unveiled legislation that would require a
warrant for the feds to acquire geolocation data. The bill would establish
the "exclusive means" for obtaining cell phone location information; it
nevertheless goes out of its way to specify that location data may not be
obtained using Section 215. This is puzzling since there's no particular
reason to think Section 215 would be used in this way. But maybe Sen. Wyden
knows something we don't.

Second, Sanchez notes that Sen. Udall has repeatedly warned about Section
215 giving the government "unfettered" access to "a cell phone company's
phone records." Two things are notable about this phrasing: first, it
specifically mentions cell phone, not wireline, records. And second, it
refers to a company's records, rather than records related to some
individual.

The obvious conclusion is that the government has been claiming that
geolocation information-most likely, data about which cell phone tower users
are near at any given time-is a "business record" that can be obtained under
section 215. By treating this information as the records of the cell phone
company rather than the personal information of subscribers, the government
sidesteps the need to show that any particular customer is suspected of a
crime.


More transparency needed


Clearly, law enforcement officials need a process for obtaining location
data. Reasonable people can disagree about the proper standard of review.
And obviously, for surveillance to be effective, some operational details
need to be kept secret.

But without knowledge of the basic facts-what kind of information is being
collected, how much, and with what procedural safeguards-it's impossible to
have an informed public debate. Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-VT) recently
<http://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/news/2011/05/senate-bill-would-require-w
arrant-for-e-mail-cloud-searches.ars> unveiled privacy legislation that
would raise the standard for government access to location data. The Pell
and Soghoian paper suggests a different framework for regulating government
access. It's impossible to have an intelligent debate about these or other
options if we don't know what the government is already doing.

Fortunately, the ACLU is on the case. Last week, it
<http://www.aclu.org/blog/national-security/unmasking-secret-law-new-demand-
answers-about-governments-hidden-take-patriot> filed a Freedom of
Information Act request seeking documents related to the Bush and Obama
administration's legal interpretations of Section 215 of the Patriot Act.
FOIA is a slow and cumbersome process, and the Obama administration will
undoubtedly fight the ACLU's efforts. But if the request succeeds, it will
give the American public some of the information it needs to have a
well-informed debate.

Update: To be clear, Section 215 of the Patriot Act allows information to be
collected in an intelligence context. In contrast, the Leahy bill and the
Pell/Soghoian proposal both reform law enforcement access to location data.
So neither proposal would directly affect the use of Section 215.

 





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