PAMBAZUKA NEWS 229: DARFUR: DETERIORATION, IMPUNITY AND INDIFFERENCE The Authoritative Electronic Weekly Newsletter And Platform For Social Justice In Africa
Pambazuka News is the authoritative electronic weekly newsletter and platform for social justice in Africa providing cutting edge commentary and in-depth analysis on politics and current affairs, development, human rights, refugees, gender issues and culture in Africa. To view online, go to http://www.pambazuka.org/ Want to get off our subscriber list? Write to [EMAIL PROTECTED] and your address will be removed CONTENTS: 1. Highlights from this issue, 2. Editorial, 3. Comment and Analysis, 4. Letters, 5. Blogging Africa Support the struggle for social justice in Africa. Give generously! Donate at: http://www.securegiving.co.uk/donate_to/fahamu.html /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ 1. Highlights from this issue FEATURED EDITORIAL: Darfur continues to burn as the international community stand by and watch, writes Adwoa Kufuor from the Sudan Organisation Against Torture COMMENT & ANALYSIS: - From the classroom to the corridors of power, The Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa offers a powerful tool for remedying education disparities, writes Roselynn Musa from Femnet - Ken Saro-Wiwa and nine comrades were hung this day ten years ago. Maja Daruwala, Director of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, asks what's changed for human rights in the Commonwealth BLOGGING AFRICA: Sokari Ekine sums up the last week in the Blogosphere with a look at the strife in Ethiopia, the dangers of blogging in Egypt and the Paris riots that are ripping Europe apart SILICON VALLEY AWARD FOR FAHAMU FAHAMU was one of 25 Laureates for the 2005 Tech Museum Awards, and one of the five in the Education category, for its work on developing innovative distance learning programme. Annually, "The Tech Awards honor individuals, for-profit, public and not-for-profit organizations from around the world who are applying technology to profoundly improve the human condition in the areas of environment, economic development, education, equality and health." see http://www.techawards.org/pressroom/detail.ph p?id=116 /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ 2. Editorial IMPUNITY AND INDIFFERENCE LEADS TO DRAMATIC DETERIORATION IN DARFUR Adwoa Kufuor Hundreds of thousands are estimated to have died and further hundreds of thousands have been displaced from their homes, but the international community has failed to act decisively to end the violence in the Darfur region of Sudan. While the United Nations Security Council has issued a series of toothless resolutions, the Government of Sudan has not faced the necessary pressure to end the impunity that characterises the Darfur situation. In fact, the Government of Sudan (GoS) response has been to establish a Special Criminal Court for Events in Darfur which has heard, amongst 160 other cases, a case related to an alleged theft of sheep but no cases related to a violation of the rules of war, writes Adwoa Kufour from the Sudan Organisation Against Torture (SOAT). A preliminary analysis of events in Darfur over the last six months reveals a status quo of violence and a climate of lawlessness and insecurity. The current situation in Darfur is one of widespread gross violations of human rights perpetrated against the civilian population with impunity by the Government of Sudan (GoS) forces, marauding armed militias and government proxy militias. The majority of the victims are the most vulnerable - internally displaced persons (IDPs), women and children. The humanitarian situation in Darfur is well documented. An estimated 200,000 people have died, 213,000 are refugees in 11 camps throughout the Borkou-Ennedi-Tibesti, Biltine and Ouaddai regions of Chad, and a further two million people have been displaced out of a population that before the full breakout of hostilities stood at six million. Among the displaced, living in camps which have sprung out all over the region, daily lives continue to be blighted with attacks, insecurity and fear. Food insecurity in the region has resulted in a marked increase in banditry and robbery as armed groups search for food. Among the most affected have been women and children. Despite government denials, armed militias, and government security forces continue to subject young girls as young as twelve to beatings, abductions, rape and sexual violence. In September alone, whilst the warring factions were in Abuja, the Nigerian capital, negotiating a peace agreement, tens of women including a mother and daughter were beaten and raped by armed militias, reportedly the Janjaweed outside the peripherals of Kalma IDP Camp, Southern Darfur State. In the same month, ten other women were abducted by armed militias from Kalma; the whereabouts of the women remains unknown (Sudan Organisation Against Torture (SOAT), Human Rights Alert:19 September 2005 Darfur: Abduction and Rape in Nyala). Even as attacks on civilians have continued uninterrupted albeit without the aid of government air forces, the international community have taken little substantive action to resolve the situation and thus alleviate the humanitarian disaster unfolding in the region. The rhetoric from United Nations bodies including the Security Council has been one of condemnation and outrage; however rhetoric has failed to translate into action with the exception of the African Union (AU). The AU has had a presence in the region since June 2004 and must be commended for its determination to fully implement the relevant principles stipulated in its Constitutive Act. The organisation, through the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS), has sought dogmatically to bring the warring factions to a durable and enforceable peace agreement and have consistently condemned violations committed by all parties to the conflict. This consistency and its readiness to denounce gross human rights abuses have in the last month led to a rapid deterioration in the relationship between the organisation and the GoS. Notwithstanding its fraught relationship with the government, violence has notably decreased in the areas where they have been deployed, including outside major IDP camps across the region. However, AMIS ability and capability to undertake their role is riddled with weaknesses. The numbers of AU troops operating in the region remain hopelessly inadequate, despite pledges from international donors in May 2005 to increase AU funding in order to allow it to increase its troops to 7,700 by end of September. At point of writing, there were 4,100 AU troops in Darfur, a region the size of France. Besides the obvious financial constraints, AMIS logistical capabilities are also dismally weak. It lacks physical resources including planes, weapons and communication equipment. Attempts are being made by both the European Union (EU) and NATO to provide it with logistical support but a demonstrable improvement has yet to be seen. Most significantly, despite calls by international organisations for AMIS mandate to be expanded to include the protection of civilians in the region, particularly IDPs and, where possible, to disarm the militias, its mandate continues to be inherently weak and based primarily on reactive principles and protection of their troops as opposed to the civilian population in Darfur. Nonetheless, whilst AMIS was poorly conceived, planned, and deployed, it has had some success in monitoring and curbing serious abuses during the year even within its a limited mandate (SOAT Annual Report on the Human Rights Situation in Sudan March 2004 March 2005). The same cannot be said about the international community. Despite passing five United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCR) threatening sanctions, and referring crimes committed in Darfur to the International Criminal Court (ICC), both of which the GoS rejected, the UNSC have been ineffective not least in their failure to enforce their own resolutions but in their silence in the face of the GoS continuing violations of the April Ceasefire Agreement. This failure has not only served to embolden the various government proxy militias in the region, further contributing to the climate of impunity which permeates all branches of the Sudanese government, but has highlighted the incapability of the international community to maintain international peace and security. Most disturbingly, this apparent disinterest on the part of UN Security Council members has meant that the sustained pressure and international attention that ought to be placed on Khartoum to resolve the conflict and to mobilise help and support for the citizens of Darfur has not materialised - notwithstanding the reality that the GoS only acts when it is forced to. Whilst the international community have throughout the conflict prevaricated and transmitted a variety of mixed messages, the GoS has remained steadfast in executing its war strategy in the region even while espousing its readiness to reach a sustainable peace agreement with the rebel opposition groups and to disarm the various militia groups operating in the region. Not only have attempts to reach sustainable peace in the region remained elusive; the GoS has been unwilling to disarm the armed militias terrorising the region, and has in many cases continued it provide support for these groups. This has further fuelled the culture of impunity woven into the fabric of the GoS and its security apparatus. Security forces have persisted in attacks on the civilian population, including the already vulnerable IDP population in the knowledge that they will neither be held accountable by the GoS or the various UN bodies. In June, a week after the prosecutor of the ICC, Luis Moreno-Ocampo launched his investigation into crimes committed in Darfur, the GoS established a Special Criminal Court for Events in Darfur to hear cases of 160 people accused of committing crimes in the states of North, West and South Darfur. Since June, the courts have heard four cases in which four persons including a 72 year old man and an 11 year old boy have been found guilty of armed robbery and two army officers have been found guilty of murdering a man arrested and detained in military custody on suspicion of supporting the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA), the main opposition group in Darfur and the first to take up arms against the government in Khartoum for what they perceived to be a long history of discrimination. The court has also heard the case of an alleged theft of sheep. Despite the fact that all the cases heard by the courts so far are offences under the Sudanese Penal Code and arguably do not amount to violations of the rules of war, the GoS has refused to acknowledge that Sudanese courts cannot play the central role in bringing perpetrators of crimes against humanity and war crimes to justice. In the area of administration of justice in Sudan, widespread corruption and lack of training for members of the executive, legislative and judicial branches on international human rights standards and jurisprudence has ensured that the justice system does not have the capability or the will to deal with complex war atrocities including the wanton destruction of villages, systematic and widespread killings and rape as a tool of war. Moreover, the Sudanese judicial system is neither independent, with many unqualified judges who were appointed solely on the basis of their affiliation to the GoS, nor impartial and is characterised by a culture of intimidation (SOAT, Human Rights Alert: 17 March 2005 Attempted Rape and Killing of IDP from Kalma Camp, SOAT Annual Report on the Human Rights Situation in Sudan March 2004 March 2005). In order to erode the culture of impunity that has taken root in the Sudan and to deter further atrocities against civilians not only in Darfur but across the Sudan, the perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity must be brought before the ICC for reasons of accountability and in the interest of justice. The climate of impunity coupled with the complete indifference to the situation of the civilian population in Darfur by the international community has manifested itself in a dramatic deterioration in the security and humanitarian situation in the last two months. Fighting between government forces, armed militias, rebel groups and renewed attacks on civilians has further entrenched the widespread distrust of all parties in the region. The IDP population has continued to increase dramatically, placing strain on the already stretched humanitarian effort and laying the basis for a cycle of dependence on humanitarian aid. Few of the civilian population in the region believe or wish to return to their original villages even if there was to be a conclusive and comprehensive peace agreement. There are immediate measures that the GoS is capable of undertaking to alleviate the plight of the civilian population in Darfur. These include but are not limited to a cessation in all attacks by government forces on civilians; waiving the immunity of its security officers who commit gross violations of human rights; committing itself to the voluntary return of IDPs to their original lands; cooperating fully with AMIS; cooperating with the ICC investigation into Darfur and; implementing its commitments under the much maligned Ndjamena ceasefire agreement, particularly to allow unhindered access throughout the region for humanitarian workers. However the GoS will only be compelled to embark on these measures if there is extreme pressure placed on it by the international community. * Adwoa Kufuor is a campaigner with the Sudan Organisation Against Torture (SOAT) * Please send comments to [EMAIL PROTECTED] /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ 3. Comment and Analysis GREAT EXPECTATIONS FOR AFRICAN WOMENS EDUCATIONAL EMPOWERMENT THROUGH THE PROTOCOL Roselynn Musa The right to education is an integral part of the new African Protocol on Womens Rights, argues Roselynn Musa. Gender inequalities in education translate into larger socio-economic disparities, and affect not only individuals, but the social and economic development of communities and nations. The Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa offers a powerful tool for remedying these disparities, and addresses not only the grassroots level of the classroom, but also the political processes that grant women access to decision-making. Everyone has a right to education states the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR, 1948), but today more than half a century after this historic text was adopted, the right to education remains an empty promise for millions of people all over the world, especially women and girls. During the last decade there have been improvements in basic education for women in many countries. A number of countries recorded increased growth in the number of enrolment of both girls and boys. At the same time many African countries have made progress in reducing illiteracy levels, particularly among women and girls. However, despite these improvements only 58% of children of school age are actually enrolled in school (World Conference on Education for All, UNESO, Paris, 2000). With few exceptions educational statistics show large gender disparities. Female-male school enrolment, retention and completion favour boys in a majority of countries. Moreover, African women have the highest illiteracy rate in the world, which in some countries is rising. In addition gender disparities in schooling undermine national efforts for human capital development, thereby slowing down the pace of social and economic development. The right to education is a human right having major implications for both individuals as well as for social and economic development. Education of women in Africa is imperative given the inverse relationship between female education and other aspects of development. The educational system in Africa generally reflects gender inequalities. Gender refers not just to women, but also to both men and women, and to the interaction between them. It is important to understand the differences between men and women that are externally influenced, as well as the conditions imposed on them that are based on naturally given biological differences. Gender analysis therefore has to do with both sexes in relation to each other, not in isolation. Furthermore, an understanding of gender does not imply that all women are alike. Race, ethnicity, class, nationality, age, etc, are other factors that may cause significant differences among women themselves and among men as well. The purpose of looking at gender is not to divide men and women, causing conflict between them, rather it draws our attention to those issues that have brought about unequal relations, and allows us to address these issues with appropriate measures that will help reduce rather than perpetuate inequality. Thus the concept of gender helps focus on growth in terms of equitable distribution of benefits between women and men, equality and power relations between them and, most of all, partnership between them in all fields of development. Gender equality is based on the premise that all human beings, women and men are free to develop their personal abilities and make choices without the limitations set by stereotypes, rigid gender roles and prejudices. Gender equality means that the different behaviour, aspirations and needs of women and men are considered, valued and favoured equally. It does not mean that women and men have become the same, but rather their rights, responsibilities and opportunities will not depend on whether they were born male or female. The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa will come into force in November 2005. Article thirty-two of the protocol covers a broad range of human rights issues and advances the human rights for African women through creative, substantive and detailed language. Article 12 addresses the right to education and training. One of the challenges to womens educational empowerment in Africa is that decisions on what is to be learnt, at what level and by who are male dominated thus perpetuating gender-based stereotypes. This renders the curriculum inappropriate for the promotion and protection of womens human rights. While the level of womens participation is on the increase, certain socio-cultural constraints impede womens access to vocational, scientific and technical education. The Protocol obligates state parties to take positive actions to promote womens education at all levels and in all disciplines. One of the measures that could be useful in addressing gender imbalances in education and training, is for countries to institute and strengthen affirmative action measures including scholarships at all levels for female students, distance and non-formal education and literacy programmes for women, innovative and aggressive strategies to redress the under-representation of women and girls in sciences, mathematics and technology-related disciplines and careers, including the promotion of science among children in general and young girls in particular. Womens access to professional training should be strengthened. Women need broad humanistic and scientific education for the same reasons men do, so they can understand and appreciate life, give intellectual and political leadership and make the greatest contribution of which they are capable. In addition to this, the main financial partners of Africas educational systems should show their firm commitment to the female population in their interventionist policies. We must find ways to preserve what remains of our customs while at the same time refuse to accept those aspects of tradition that treat women and children as less than human. For example, the belief that investing in girls education is a waste of time and money. This has had and will continue to have devastating consequences on women unless something urgent is done. Because most programmes for womens economic development, educational and political equality bow to patriarchal culture and societal imposed stereotypes they are replete with fundamental conceptual flaws. Approaches that focus on the law while ignoring culture are not likely to turn womens situation around. We should strive for a condition in which women and men are equal both in laws and facts. If that happens to be the case then our problems will only be solved in fractions, even when we have fifty per cent female representation in positions of power, because these same women are the wives, sisters, daughters, etc of the men out there who the patriarchal system has placed above and therefore superior to women. This approach will be flawed because it refuses to address the cultural factors that impede womens progress. Because of the current situation of inequality, gender equality cannot be achieved without the empowerment of women especially in the field of education. Human rights education goes beyond cognitive learning and includes the social and emotional development of all those involved in the educational process. It should aim at developing a culture in which human rights are taught, practised and lived within the school community and spread through interaction with the wider community. Introducing human rights education therefore implies that the school becomes a model of human rights learning and practice. Teachers, as the main depositories of the curriculum, play a key role in reaching this goal. Some of the factors militating against womens educational empowerment include, but are not limited to: poverty; sexual abuse/ harassment and rape, which prevent some parents from sending their female children to school; child prostitution; insufficient infrastructure; gender-unfriendly school environment and curricula; gender stereotypes and preference in sending boys to school than girls; workload of the girl child; early marriages/pregnancies; high rate of drop out among girls, especially at secondary and tertiary institutions and lack of gender parity; and lack of policy and monitoring mechanisms. In consideration of some of these the protocol addresses the issue of sexual harassment and the need to introduce human rights education in schools and at the same time make counseling available to students. The attacks or assaults on female education are manifestations of the same desire to mute the voice of women. The field of science and technology remains almost solely a mans domain and the very few women that have dared to venture there and have done well are seen as the exception rather than the rule. Gone are the days when women and girls are only trained in cooking, embroidery, home economics, etc An educational system that is designed to subordinate and invalidate womens experiences vis-à-vis the terrible illiteracy in which so many of our sisters are kept is not just the consequences of poverty, over- work and discrimination within the family, and by extension, the society, but it is also a social mechanism designed to ensure female acquiescence and deny women a public voice, or even a private one for that matter. Education is a powerful tool for empowerment and non-conformity, but ironically, the economic and social development of countries around the world is hampered by shortages of skilled men and women and confounded by widespread ignorance and indifference. If the capacity of people to shape and improve their own lives is the measure of development then educational empowerment of women is a necessary condition as well as a human right. Achieving gender equality requires specific measures that go beyond the equal treatment of women and men. Such measures must address the politics, laws, procedures, norms, beliefs, practices and attitudes that maintain gender equality. Women must have the capacity to make informed choices about their lives. Efforts to achieve equality between women and men that use a one size fits all approach may not take into account the discrimination existing in the past. Fathers, husbands and even brothers may also suppress the potentials of their daughters, wives and sisters because they do not wish them to have an independent identity. It will also be necessary to involve gender-sensitive men in the campaign in order to make a good headway. Though there has been a great breakthrough in the matter of gender equality, a lot still needs to be done. Discrimination against women continues and practices subordinating women to men and considering girls lower to boys remain in force. The domestication of international, regional and national instruments on women and girls rights and the enforcement of existing legislation remain low. Women and girls access to justice systems is limited by legal illiteracy, lack of resources and gender insensitivity and bias of law enforcement agents. Violence against women and girls, including rape and domestic violence is rampant, particularly in conflict zones. Some traditional and cultural practices continue to inhibit progress in promoting women and girls human rights. In some countries, women are denied equal rights to inherit property, while in others several sources of laws continue to govern their lives and restrict the enjoyment of their rights. The question to ask is, where are we going and how do we get there? It is an enormous task because when we zero in on women we are confronted by a plight so grim it can break our hearts. We should not be bought over by the gullibility of the larger society that thinks that if the government can just pass the right laws then women will become equal. It is not enough that the government passes a law that says all forms of discrimination against women should be eliminated [Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, Article 12(1a.)] and then women and men are automatically equal. It is naïve to think that just the passing of laws will help women. It has to be backed by action. Deep and sustainable transformations require a strategic and political vision to the highest level and that is why the protocol has resolved to achieve necessary cultural and institutional transformation in the educational system. One of the initiatives to be taken on the part of the states is the introduction of human rights education in the educational curricula as stated in the protocol. One of the measures that could be taken to address gender imbalances in education is for countries to institute and strengthen affirmative action measures including scholarships at all levels for female students, distance and non-formal education and literacy programmes for women and girls especially in the sciences and technically oriented disciplines. Successful strategies for improving girls access to and retention in education should be scaled up. The content and culture of schooling should not discriminate against women and girls. One way to bring this about is curriculum reform, gender training for teachers and other people working in the field of curriculum development and for girls and boys generally. This should also include gender-focussed programmes for girls and boys. A web does not move if you pull only one strand; that way all you do is break it. There is a need to adopt a participatory and multi-disciplinary approach to policy development by involving NGOs, teachers associations and unions, professional and research bodies, and other stakeholders in the preparation of educational policy texts, promoting a human rights based approach to school, governance, management, discipline procedures and other regulations and practices affecting the school culture and access to education. Human rights education implies changes in the whole educational system. Policy statements and verbal commitments alone are not enough to ensure educational changes. Implementation of the policy should therefore not lie with the Ministries of Education alone, but should involve other stakeholders. There is a political will by government to get girls into schools and bursaries for girls, but more needs to be done in this direction. In conclusion, some schools already have human rights based clubs; this should be encouraged, while schools that dont have them should be encouraged to introduce them. In addition, increasing campaigns for girls enrolment for science based subjects, reviewing of the school curricular and text books to portray gender sensitive issues and language, providing adult education to older women, increasing the budget for education by government these are all actions that would take things in the right direction. Human rights education should start at childhood. * Roselynn Musa works for The African Women's Development and Communication Network (FEMNET) in Kenya and has been involved with the Solidarity on African Womens Rights, a coalition of womens organizations working to ratify and domesticate the Protocol on African Womens Rights. * Please send comments to [EMAIL PROTECTED] WADING IN AN OIL SLICK: HUMAN RIGHTS TEN YEARS AFTER THE DEATH OF KEN SARO-WIWA Maja Daruwala Ten years ago on this day, Ken Saro-Wiwa and nine other members of the Ogoni community were hanged by the regime of General Sani Abacha. Maja Daruwala, Director of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative asks what progress there has been in institutionalizing human rights in the Commonwealth since his death. Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Malta between 25th and the 27th of November would do well to remember what Ken Saro-Wiwa stood for and prepare to turn their rhetoric into reality. Today, November 10th, marks ten years since Ken Saro-Wiwa, writer and environmental activist, was killed on the order of General Sani Abacha, the then President of Nigeria. Despite international condemnation, collective hand wringing and the promise of change, ten years on, we still live in a Commonwealth that too readily tolerates human rights abuses from among its own. In Auckland, in 1995, the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting opened to the news that the Nigerian military regime had executed nine members of the Ogoni community, including Ken Saro-Wiwa. The Ogoni people are an ethnic minority living in Nigeria, whose lands have paid rich dividends from oil extraction since the 1950s. Saro-Wiwa had been involved in a non-violent campaign against environmental damage caused by multinational oil companies since, at 17 years old, he began writing letters to newspapers questioning the benefits that the discovery and extraction of oil would bring to the Ogoni people. Since that time, 900 million barrels of oil have been pumped from Ogoni lands and the Ogoni people remain poor and impoverished, even as oil flows through pipes strung across their farms and beside their homes. In 1990, Saro-Wiwa founded the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP). In 1994, following the death of four Ogoni elders who were believed to be sympathetic to the military, he was arrested, held without charge and eventually accused of incitement to murder. Saro-Wiwa denied the charges but was imprisoned for over a year before being found guilty and sentenced to death. His trial was held before a tribunal assembled by the military government, described by then Prime Minister of the UK, John Major, as a fraudulent trial, a bad verdict and an unjust sentence. In Auckland, the leaders of the Commonwealth condemned Saro-Wiwas trial and execution, suspended Nigeria from the Commonwealth, and set about putting into practice its core values of good governance, democracy and the protection of human rights, as contained in the 1991 Commonwealth Harare Declaration. The Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group, or CMAG, has sprung from this work, and is mandated to investigate serious or ongoing violations of the Harare Principles. In the ten years since Saro-Wiwas death, and the development of this mechanism to monitor adherence to the principles of democracy and human rights in the Commonwealth, some good work has been done. Ministerial missions have, for instance, been sent to Fiji, Nigeria, Pakistan, Sierra Leone, the Solomon Islands and the Gambia. Fiji, the Solomon Islands and Pakistan have all been suspended from the Commonwealth after breaching basic standards of democracy and human rights. However, CMAG, and the Commonwealth, could have, can, and must do much more to protect democracy and human rights among its people. Slow, incremental and hesitant change is no answer for those people who are suffering and vulnerable, but is merely a euphemism for a lack of political will to call an immediate halt to human rights violations. The protection of democracy and human rights is at the heart of the Commonwealth. It is time that we remember this, shout it from our rooftops, and put it into action. Every two years in time for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) produces a report on an issue of human rights concern common across the Commonwealth. This year, in its report entitled Police Accountability: Too Important to Neglect, Too Urgent to Delay, CHRI has asked governments to take practical steps toward ensuring that human and democratic rights are promoted through better and more accountable policing. Some of the best policing in the world exists in the Commonwealth, and also some of the worst. Too many police forces across the Commonwealth are too often cited for corruption, bias, and poor performance. Too many are cited for human rights violations ranging from excessive violence, abuse of power and discrimination to curbing democratic practices like freedom of speech. This year, between the 25th and the 27th of November, the Commonwealth Heads of Government will once again meet to talk over the issues facing the Commonwealth, reach common ground, and form policy to direct its member states. Each Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting is an opportunity to go beyond rhetoric to reality. However, in the past, too many opportunities to make this happen have been squandered. Ten years on from Saro-Wiwas death, and ten years on from a renewed recognition of the importance of democracy and human rights to the countries and people of the Commonwealth, the Commonwealth Heads of Government have an opportunity to turn their words into action. As the Commonwealth Heads of Government prepare to meet in Malta in 2005, and remember the events and words of Auckland a decade ago, they must not be content to take comfort in incremental and gradual change. This is the comfort of the privileged and the curse of the suffering. Issues related to safety, security and policing are increasingly growing in importance for both governments and individuals, and pose some of the most significant human rights challenges in the Commonwealth. A recognition of this, and a push for police accountability, by the Commonwealth Heads of Government this year would honour the sentiments enshrined in the principles of the Commonwealth and expressed at Auckland in 1995 and would also be a fitting memorial to Ken Saro-Wiwa. The tenth anniversary of Saro-Wiwas death will be marked with remembrances around the world. His final play, On the Death of Ken Saro-Wiwa, written a few days before his execution, will be read and performed across the globe. In Canada, there will be a celebration of music and readings by writers and musicians. In London the winner of the Living Memorial, an art competition launched to commemorate him, will be announced. It is crucial that as we remember Saro-Wiwa, we also look forward to the future of our Commonwealth, and resolve to work harder to protect democracy and human rights. Saro-Wiwa stood up for the values that, as a Commonwealth, we stand for. We must remember this. And as the Commonwealth Heads of Government prepare to meet in Malta in 2005, and remember the events and words of Auckland a decade ago, they must also remember this, and prepare to turn the rhetoric of ten years into reality. * Maja Daruwala is the Director of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, an independent, international NGO working for the practical realisation of human rights in the countries of the Commonwealth. For more information or to download the Police Accountability report, please visit: www.humanrightsinitiative.org * Please send comments to [EMAIL PROTECTED] * For another recent Pambazuka News article about Ken Saro-Wiwa, please visit: http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=29803 ABOUT KEN SARO-WIWA Ill tell you this, I may be dead but my ideas will not die. - Ken Saro-Wiwa 1995 You can read a detailed life history of Ken Saro-Wiwa at http://www.remembersarowiwa.com/lifeksw.htm Saro-Wiwa was born in October 1941, the eldest son of a prominent family in Ogoni, which is today in Rivers State, Nigeria. After leaving university he initially pursued an academic career. During the Biafran war (1967-1970) he was a Civilian Administrator for the Port of Bonny, near Ogoni in the Niger Delta. He went on to be a businessman, novelist and television producer. His long-running satirical TV series Basi & Co was purported to be the most watched soap opera in Africa. Two of his best known works were drawn from his observations and experiences of the Biafran war. His most famous work, Sozaboy: a Novel in Rotten English, is a harrowing tale of a naive village boy recruited into the army. On a Darkling Plain, is a diary of his experiences during the war. Ken Saro-Wiwa was consistently concerned about the treatment of Ogoni within the Nigerian Federation and in 1973 was dismissed from his post as Regional Commissioner for Education in the Rivers State cabinet, for advocating greater Ogoni autonomy. Throughout his work he often made references to the exploitation he saw around him as the oil and gas industry took riches from the beneath the feet of the poor Ogoni farmers, and in return left them polluted and disenfranchised. For his full life history, please visit http://www.remembersarowiwa.com/lifeksw.htm WEBSITES DEDICATED TO SARO-WIWA http://www.november10th.com/ http://www.kensarowiwa.com/ http://www.remembersarowiwa.com WEBSITES WITH INFORMATION ABOUT SARO-WIWA http://www.seen.org/pages/rights.shtml http://www.mosop.org/ http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/70334/ http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/files/CCS_RREPORTS2_R EPORT33.pdf NEWS ABOUT SARO-WIWA http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articlei d=255721&area=/insight/insight__africa/ http://www.commondreams.org/news2005/1107-15.htm http://www.tribune.com.ng/051105/news05.htm BLOGGERS ON SARO-WIWA http://daphne.mmdc.net/archives/001459.html http://xxcommunicator.blogspot.com/2005/11/ke n-saro-wiwa-presente.html http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks/2005/ 11/remembering_ken.html /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ 4. Letters CONGRATS PAMBAZUKA Grace Mjurei I take this opportunity to congratulate your team for your good work. Please accept my congratulations for the prize (Pambazuka News recently won an award). And thanks for your efficient correspondences. CONGRATS PAMBAZUKA 2 Michael Munga I can assure you, this has been a very informative source of development information for me. Great, critical analysis by seasoned scholars and more... /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ 5. Blogging Africa AFRICA BLOG ROUNDUP: JUSTICE NOT REVENGE IN ETHIOPIA. FREEDOM FOR EGYPTIANS AND THE FRENCH RIOTS Sokari Ekine Weichegud! Et Politics - Weichegud! ET Politics (http://weichegud.blogspot.com/2005/11/who-wi ll-tell-their-stories.html) likens the present political violence in Ethiopia to 1978 when: The generation Ato Meles belongs to went on protest marches on the streets of Addis Ababa in the early 70s without the indignity of being mowed down. They were demanding a revolution - the usurping of the Ethiopian constituency, and the deposing of the Emperor. They held placards calling the Emperor a ruthless dictator who had to be brought to justice. They told the world that they were standing for the poor, the downtrodden and the forgotten. Yet they were not shot down whilst this time those same people are pointing their guns at children all in the name of protecting the constitution". He concludes that hopefully when this is all over the people of Ethiopia will have the strength for justice and not revenge!" Freedom for Egyptians - Freedom for Egyptians (http://freedomforegyptians.blogspot.com/2005 /11/freedom-of-expression-attacked-in.html) reports on the detention of Egyptian blogger/writer, Nabeel Abdul Kareem who has a blog called Kareem Amer. Abdul Kareem was taken from his home by state security forces who confiscated his writings. Freedom for Egyptians writes: I have read Abdolkarims last blog on the Alexandria sectarian violence. Kareem has been a witness to this violence. He wrote his testimony on those black days in Egypt. Detaining him is considered an intimidation or assault on a witness. In his article, he called for the rejection of hatred in Islam to non-Muslims, hinting to the position of the Egyptian Copts. He witnessed himself the sectarian violence in Moharm Bik district in his home city of Alexandria. He gave in his blog an example how some Islamist thugs burned a liquor store owned by an Egyptian Copt while at the same time allowing a Muslim man to sell alcohol. Abdul Kareem is not the first North African blogger to be detained. In Tunisia, a blogger spent 18 months in prison and a similar sentence was given to Libyan blogger both for criticising their respective governments. The detentions of the three bloggers draws attention to the fact that in many countries the only free press are in fact bloggers. Even where professional journalists are subjected to arrest and harassment by their governments at least they are public people who have some, albeit often small, protection from their employers. Bloggers on the other hand have no protection; there is likelihood that they may loose their jobs; they may not have the funds for legal representation; their arrest may not become public knowledge. The Moor Next Door (MND)- The Moor Next Door The Economist fails in its report (at least this paragraph) by first referring to the two dead boys as North Africans when in fact, one was Senegalese. The report then states there is 10% unemployment and a poor Muslim population when in fact the unemployment amongst minorities is nearly double that and the religion of the rioters is not the issue. What is amusing are some of the government responses such as: Iran - The Iranian foreign minister demanded that France respect its minorities and protect their human rights." (since when is such a "liberal" idea such as human rights believed in by the Islamic Republic?) Libya The Colonel offers "help" to France! Perhaps he will enlighten Mr. Chirac as to how Libya deals with such youths, avec une balle. Italy "Opposition leader Romano Prodi called on the Italian government to take urgent action, telling reporters: 'We have the worst suburbs in Europe. I don't think things are so different from Paris. It's only a matter of time. I suggest they hurry with whatever they intend to do! Senegal: Senegal's president announced his belief that France should « casser les ghettos et intégrer les Africains qui demandent à être intégrés ». (Break the ghettos and integrate the Africans that ask to be integrated." The French need to listen to that one! Zimbabwean Pundit - Zimbabwean Pundit (http://zimpundit.blogspot.com/2005/11/dell-t reatment-for-would-be-protestors.html) reports on the unabated repression of Mugabes government of its own citizens. In yet another shameless display of how far Harare will go to quash any dissent to their iron fisted grip over the nation, they have arrested 150 leaders of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). South African blogger, Floyds Perspectives Floyd's Perspectives (://floydn.blogspot.com/2005/11/sascos-ideological-perspectives.html) has a comprehensive post on the South African student movement which he says has been at the forefront of the struggles in the country. He begins by tracing the origins of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) and the South African Students Congress (SASCO) and then goes on to examine the relationship between the student bodies and the ANC in the anti-apartheid struggle. He concludes by acknowledging that the contemporary struggles of SASCO are ideological ones. The major, persistent, consistent, and often indomitable struggles waged by SASCO in campuses are mostly class struggles...Financial exclusions, academic exclusions, democratisation, access and success, conducive learning environment and curriculum content are but some of the ideological struggles SASCO is waging in campuses." Black Looks - Black Looks (http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks/2005 /11/_members_of_par.html) gives her perspective on the ongoing Paris riots together with a brief description of the events that led to the riots and why they spread after an initial calm down. She highlights some of the similarities of the French riots to those that took place in England in the mid-1980s The reasons then are the same as the ones facing North and West Africans in France today; inferior education, lack of job opportunities, appalling housing conditions in run down estates (three arson related fires have taken place this year in properties lived in by West Africans);exclusion from the political process with no representation in government or in the police force; institutionalised racism, racist police who systematically harass young West and North African males. She concludes that: The riots are the outcome of a culmination of experiences and incidents over a period of time, they are not simply happening in a vacuum of nothingness. France will have to face the reality of this otherwise it and Europe will sink into further violence as communities become even more polarised. * Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks, http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks * Please send comments to [EMAIL PROTECTED] Contact: [EMAIL PROTECTED] /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\ PAMBAZUKA NEWS IS PRODUCED AND PUBLISHED BY FAHAMU Fahamu - Networks For Social Justice UK: 2nd Floor, 51 Cornmarket Street, Oxford OX1 3HA South Africa: The Studio, 06 Cromer Road, Muizenberg 7945, Cape Town, South Africa [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://www.fahamu.org [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://www.fahamu.org.za Support the struggle for social justice: $2 (one pound) a week can make a real difference Donate online at http://www.securegiving.co.uk/donate_to/fahamu.html> PAMBAZUKA NEWSFEED Get Pambazuka News Headlines Displayed On Your Site Would you like Pambazuka News headlines to be displayed on your website? RSS (which stands for Really Simple Syndication) is an easy way for you to keep updated automatically on Pambazuka News. Instead of going to our website to see what's news, you can use RSS to let you know each time there's something new. Visit: http://www.pambazuka.org/newsfeed.php. You can choose headlines from any or all of the Pambazuka News categories, and there is also a choice of format and style. Email [EMAIL PROTECTED] for more information. Visit http://www.pambazuka.org/ for more than 25,000 news items, editorials,letters,reviews, etc that have appeared in Pambazuka News during the last two years. Editor: Firoze Manji Online News Editor: Patrick Burnett Editorial advisor: Rotimi Sankore Blog reviewer: Sokari Ekine COL Intern: Karoline Kemp Assistant: Mandlakazi Refiloe Motsaeledi Website mangement: Becky Faith and Mark Rogerson Website design: Judith Charlton Pambazuka News currently receives support from Christian Aid, Commonwealth of Learning Fahamu Trust, Ford Foundation, New Field Foundation Fund of Tides Foundation, Oxfam GB, and TrustAfrica and many indidividual donors. SUBMITTING NEWS: send to [EMAIL PROTECTED] SUBSCRIBE The Newsletter comes out weekly and is delivered to subscribers by e-mail. Subscription is free. To subscribe, send an e-mail to with only the word 'subscribe' in the subject or body. To subscribe online, visit: http://www.pambazuka.org FAIR USE This Newsletter is produced under the principles of 'fair use'. We strive to attribute sources by providing direct links to authors and websites. When full text is submitted to us and no website is provided, we make the text available on our website via a "for more information" link. Please contact [EMAIL PROTECTED] immediately regarding copyright issues. Pambazuka News includes short snippets from, with corresponding web links to, commercial and other sites in order to bring the attention of our readers to useful information on these sites. We do this on the basis of fair use and on a non-commercial basis and in what we believe to be the public interest. If you object to our inclusion of the snippets from your website and the associated link, please let us know and we will desist from using your website as a source. Please write to [EMAIL PROTECTED] The views expressed in this newsletter, including the signed editorials, do not necessarily represent those of Fahamu or the editors of Pambazuka News. While we make every effort to ensure that all facts and figures quoted by authors are accurate, Fahamu and the editors of Pambazuka News cannot be held responsible for any inaccuracies contained in any articles. Please contact [EMAIL PROTECTED] if you believe that errors are contained in any article and we will investigate and provide feedback. (c) Fahamu 2005 If you wish to stop receiving the newsletter, unsubscribe immediately by sending a message FROM THE ADDRESS YOU WANT REMOVED to [EMAIL PROTECTED] Please contact [EMAIL PROTECTED] should you need further assistance subscribing or unsubscribing. /\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\/\/\//\
