Hi Patrick!  I'd be happy to go into this microenterprise stuff a  bit more.

In LDCs a majority of the population may be working without formal wage 
contracts, but instead be engaged in small-scale commerce (e.g. market 
stalls, selling gum on street corners etc) petty-commodity production 
(e,g, hot food, small repair or manufacturing shops, misc. services etc) 
or putting-out work of various kinds.  Sometimes this is all gathered 
under the broad rubric of the "informal sector."

Now in one sense a lot of these people can be considered to be running 
businesses.  They buy inputs and sell outputs, and they need credit (less 
so in putting-out, but systems vary).  What's striking when you look at 
studies of these sectors is how intricate, though on a very small scale, 
their financial linkages often are.  But this shouldn't be surprising -- 
being poor in societies in which resources are stretched means that you 
have to be able to borrow to survive.  (Indeed borrowing is necessary both 
for maintaining productive activity and often for simple consumption.)

Lending sources take a variety of institutional forms, but that's another 
discussion.

The trouble comes with the effort simply to redefine the poor as 
"entrepreneurs," shorn of history, class, context, and so on.  This effort 
at redefinition has been part of the right-wing populism often associated 
with neoliberal reforms.  There is a real effort in places to change 
people's subject-identities, to get them to think of themselves as 
capitalists, with "microenterprise" programs taking on an almost 
evangelical tone.  A key aspect of this redifinition is the atomistic 
notion of the microentrepreneur, competing with all other 
microentrepreneurs and with little basis for common action.

The hallmark of these programs has been lending, and the test of 
effectiveness has been not whether people are better off, but whether the 
loan gets repaid.  That is, it is simply assumed that repayment proves 
that the loan was productively used and resulted in an improvement in 
well-being.

Hence there is a lot of attention e.g. with Grameen bank on ways to pressure 
people to repay loans.  I don't have to spell out for this list why loan 
repayment indicates very little, and given that informal credit 
transactions are often interlinked with other sorts of contracts, 
unbundling this and providing separate credit has an indeterminate effect. 
 (It's also often assumed in these programs that microenterprises are 
highly profitable but rationed out of normal credit markets.  I doubt 
that, and think that when profits are reported it's often at the expense 
of squeezing the reproductive side of the household firms e.g. people 
eating less.  A lot of the apparent vigor of informal activity is a result 
of desperate efforts to keep a variety of income sources open.)

It's entirely possible that there are places and contexts where these 
programs are useful, but often they seem to be either palliatives, or 
worse.  I'm particularly worried about the credit-channeling model of NGO 
work, emphasizing lending at the expense of financial savings, but that's 
also another story.

The left has perhaps been slow to adapt a trade-union model of organizing 
to these situations, which has given the right a window of opportunity to 
push this kind of project of redefinition.  

However, It should be noted too that often local initiatives which borrow 
much from trade union-type organizing get presented in the policy 
literature as microlending NGOs.  I'm thinking of the Self-employed Women's 
Association in Ahmedabad, in India, which considers itself a union, pushes 
for members' interests in a variety of ways, and makes loans only as part 
of that program.  But you'll often see it presented as just another Grameen 
Bank.

The financing point which got me into this is that the activities of this 
"informal sector" are affected by financing conditions, and their 
financial circuits are often linked to formal sector finance.  Therefore
the financial sector cannot be considered simply an adjunct of large 
capitalist firms.

Much of the discussion above is the result of work by my partner S. Charusheela.

Best, Colin


Colin Danby
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

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