Benjamin Netanyahu, leader of the Likud bloc, was elected as the new
   prime minister of Israel May 30, defeating the incumbent Shimon Peres
   by less than 1 percent of the vote.
   
   The Likud bloc is an alliance of right and extreme-right parties. The
   most bigoted and fascist elements in Israel, particularly the many
   U.S.-born settlers in the occupied West Bank, are emboldened by
   Netanyahu's victory. More settlements and more attacks on Palestinians
   by settlers in the occupied areas can be expected.
   
   Among those expected to hold top positions in the new cabinet is Gen.
   Ariel Sharon, a Likud leader. Sharon directed the Israeli invasion and
   mass bombing of Lebanon in 1982. That left tens of thousands of
   Lebanese and Palestinian civilians dead and hundreds of thousands
   homeless.
   
   He collaborated with Lebanese fascists to carry out the horrible
   massacre in the Sabra and Shatila Palestinian refugee camps the same
   year. Sharon is a war criminal of the first rank.
   
   Netanyahu promised in his first post-victory speech that his
   government would not negotiate with the Palestinians over Jerusalem.
   He also called for greatly increasing the Israeli population by
   bringing in millions more Jewish people from around the world. This
   would require massive new settlements on Palestinian land.
   
   The Likud program calls for continuing to occupy the Golan Heights,
   taken from Syria in the 1967 war, and keeping Israeli troops in the
   Palestinian city of Hebron, despite the peace accord's promise to
   withdraw them.
   
   The underlying reactionary ideology of many Likud leaders calls for
   driving all remaining Palestinians out of what they call "Greater
   Israel." Netanyahu's father was a proponent of this wing of Zionism in
   the 1920s, long before the Israeli state existed.
   
   Peres was the candidate of the Labor Party, which, despite its name,
   is the capitalist party that has governed Israel for most of its
   48-year history. Both Likud and Labor are pro-U.S. and anti-Arab; both
   have systematically carried out policies of racism and brutal
   repression against the Palestinian people when they have held power.
   
   At times, like during the Palestinian uprising known as the Intifada,
   they ruled together in a coalition government whose main objective was
   to crush the Palestinians.
   
   While the Clinton administration strongly supported Peres and worked
   for his re-election, there is no doubt that the U.S. will continue to
   send billions of dollars in annual military and other aid to the
   Netanyahu government.
   
   The motivation for this "generosity" is not concern for the welfare of
   the Jewish people-or any other people, for that matter. The U.S.
   ruling class invests billions of dollars in Israel every year because
   Israel stands guard over U.S. capitalism's most valuable and
   profitable assets: the vast oil fields of the Middle East. Israel is
   imperialism's forward base in the midst of the oppressed Arab world.
   
   The Pentagon has provided Israel with immense amounts of
   weaponry-high-tech, low-tech and nuclear, to carry out its assigned
   role in the imperialist system. Washington has also supplied the money
   to build thousands of new settlement units in the occupied West Bank
   and Gaza, and economic aid to sustain a European-level living standard
   in a country which has never had the economic base to support it.
   
   The enormous assistance it receives makes Israel dependent upon
   Washington. The Israeli leaders and governing parties may have their
   own drives and interests, not always coinciding exactly with those of
   U.S. imperialism. But regardless of their ideology or inclination,
   none can ignore the strategic interests and policies of the United
   States.
   
  What Washington Wants
  
   
   
   Washington's support for Peres in this election was based upon his
   government's support for what is called the "peace process"-a major
   U.S. foreign policy initiative under both the Bush and Clinton
   administrations. This plan calls for the Palestinians to have limited
   autonomy within 60 percent of Gaza and 34 percent of the West Bank.
   The Israelis retain military, security and border control.
   
   The Palestinian Authority that has been established as the governing
   body is denied the right to engage in foreign affairs. There is no
   provision in the agreement for the 4 million Palestinians living in
   forced exile.
   
   By all accounts, living conditions for Palestinians in the occupied
   territories have sharply deteriorated since the "peace process" began.
   Raji Sourani, director of the Palestine Human Rights Center in Gaza,
   speaking after the election, described conditions "as the worst in the
   past 30 years. The mood of the people in Gaza is that peace and the
   image of peace mean nothing."
   
   Sourani called the situation "explosive."
   
   While Peres and his predecessor, Yitzhak Rabin, supported the accord,
   Likud and the Israeli extreme right have opposed making any
   concessions to the Palestinians. In December 1995, Rabin was
   assassinated by an Israeli opponent of the accord.
   
   The negotiations for this agreement, which is still being implemented,
   began after the Gulf war and the collapse of the Soviet Union. U.S.
   policy makers believed that, weakened by these developments, the
   Palestine Liberation Organization led by Yasir Arafat would be forced
   to accept the terms brokered by Washington.
   
   However one views this agreement, the U.S. objective is clear: to gain
   stability in this vital region by liquidating the Palestinian
   Revolution. The Palestinian struggle has been central to the Arab
   liberation movement as a whole for half a century.
   
   Opposition to the agreement has come from the Marxist left-including
   the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the Democratic
   Front-and Islamic forces such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad. These
   organizations view the accord as falling far short of an independent
   state and compromising the future of the Palestinian people.
   
   The PFLP, in a statement on June 1, said: "The election of Netanyahu
   has weakened the Palestinian Authority, which made a peace of
   capitulation with Israel, and strengthened the opposition which
   opposed this kind of peace." The organization stated that the election
   "paves the way for increased military operations during the coming
   period."
   
   A Hamas spokesperson stated that if there was no withdrawal from
   Hebron, "the people are going to escalate their resistance."
   
   The government of Syria responded to the election outcome with a
   statement that "commitment to Likud's election program will detonate
   the region and worsen tension and instability." The pro- U.S. regime
   in Egypt, the largest of the Arab countries, also expressed concern
   after a June 3 meeting in Cairo between Egyptian President Hosni
   Mubarak and Syrian President Hafez Al-Assad.
   
   New instability, new tension, new resistance, and above all new
   explosions, are not what the U.S. government wants to see in the
   Middle East. And for Netanyahu and his new government, regardless of
   their campaign promises, what Washington wants will be the most
   important factor.
   

                Workers World, June 13, 1996


Shawgi Tell
University at Buffalo
Graduate School of Education
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

Reply via email to