This says it all:

The Globe and Mail                                      Thursday, May 1, 1997


Lead editorial:


WHY BRITAIN IS VOTING LABOUR 

On the face of it, John Major and the Conservatives should win today's 
election in Great Britain. If the economy were the measure of performance, 
his government would do well. If personality were the measure of 
performance, Mr. Major would do well. The trouble is that neither the 
economy nor personality seems decisive in how Britons are judging this 
government, which is why it is likely to lose. 

>From this perspective, Mr. Major has reason to think his compatriots 
ungrateful. It recalls the fate of Winston Churchill in 1945. Mr. Churchill 
had led Briton for five tumultuous years. He had rallied the nation, retooled 
the economy, won the war. For his Herculean labours he was summarily 
returned to opposition. 

It isn't that Britons disliked Sir Winston; they simply decided that he wasn't 
up to the socio-economic challenges of the new era. As they saw it then, he 
was more suited for war than for peace (even though they brought him back 
the next time). 

Mr. Major is no Mr. Churchill, but there is some of that logic in his 
diminishing prospects. After all, it is largely because of the Conservatives 
that Britain is prosperous. With unemployment around 6 per cent, Britain's 
level is half that of France and Germany, both of which are now 
contemplating some of the measures -- budget-cutting, privatization and 
deregulation -- that Britain adopted under Margaret Thatcher and Mr. 
Major. 

Britain now draws about 40 per cent of the new investment in the European 
Union. It has fuelled the revival of London, which has again become a 
centre of design, fashion, pop music, even cuisine, recalling the spirit of a 
generation ago. 

Then there is Mr. Major himself. While his party trails badly in the polls, 
his personal popularity remains high. It is hard to dislike the man, however 
one might disagree with him. He has humility and modesty. He has pluck 
and determination, so much so that had he refused to step aside when 
challenged for the leadership two years ago, he would have spared himself 
all this anguish. 

So what is it, then, which is propelling the Labour Party to victory? If it 
isn't a stagnant economy or an unpopular prime minister, is it the appeal of 
the opposition and its leader? Here, too, the answer is probably no. Labour 
is not demonstrably different on the main issues, and Tony Blair, the prime 
minister-in-waiting, offers competence more than charisma. 

Our guess is that this election is more about ennui than anger. Britons have 
had 18 years of the Conservatives, and now they have had enough. They are 
simply bored with the Tories, tired of their divisions and scandals. They 
want something new, even if it is less a matter of substance than style. 

Labour, or "New Labour" as it shrewdly calls itself, understands that. By 
adopting the government's economic policies, and raising sufficient 
skepticism about embracing Europe, it offers wary Britons a way to vote 
Labour and elect the Conservatives. With a no-risk solution that will change 
the players but keep the policies, they are free to vote Labour without fear.  

Yes, there are differences between the parties, but they are limited. On the 
constitutional questions -- home rule for Scotland and Wales, a freedom of 
information act, the abolition of hereditary peers -- Labour is more daring. 
But this is fussing on the fringes. 

At root, what makes the Labourites attractive is that they are conservatives 
without being Conservatives. This kind of imitation is supremely flattering 
to Mr. Major, but it is unlikely to be enough to save his weary government.



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