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The full story about the New Zealand economic 
"miracle"

There is intense international interest in the state of New Zealand 
because structural adjustment during the last decade has been an almost 
"pure" version of the free market policies that the World Bank, IMF and 
similar bodies advocate.

The World Bank arranges regular study tours by senior politicians and 
government officials from less developed countries on topics ranging 
from agricultural reform to the privatisation of government activities.

The New Zealand model of administrative reform is under active study 
in Japan, the Swedish employers have mounted a strong lobby to 
introduce New Zealand industrial relations policies there, study visits of 
politicians, economists, journalists, employers and unions have come 
from Iceland, Norway, Germany, France, Austria and other countries, 
the Australians are under pressure to follow the financial sector 
liberalisation example and so on.

So much was deregulated and privatised in such a short period of time 
that it is difficult to paint an accurate picture of complex events. This 
allows outrageous claims to be made and defended, particularly if 
supporters of the New Zealand model are careful in selecting the 
starting points in data series, and in concentrating on those statistics that 
show positive results.

In short, the New Zealand story is a good news story only if half the 
story is told.

This report takes issue with the basic propaganda that structural 
adjustment in New Zealand has created an "economic miracle" that 
other countries should follow.

It does that by telling the full story, not half of it.

If the actual performance of the New Zealand economy is assessed 
outside of all the fuss and fanfare that the international right wing 
community has created, there is really not much to comment about.


Summary of Current Economic Conditions

A snapshot of the New Zealand economy shows a fairly conventional 
pattern of a small, open economy that has passed the peak of a cyclical 
upswing.

The annual rate of GDP growth in the year to September 1996 was 2.3 
percent (and falling), down from 4.3 percent in the previous year and 
6.6 percent at the peak of the cycle fifteen months before that.

The main private forecasting agencies predict that GDP growth will fall 
below 2 percent by March 1997.

Unemployment stopped falling in the third quarter of 1995, and has 
started to increase, albeit slowly at this stage, to 6.3 percent by the 
September 1996 quarter. (The latest figure shows another drop in the 
unemployment rate to 5.9 percent, but the results are unreliable. Both 
employment and unemployment fell in the December quarter, the 
balancing factor being a surge in the number of women who 
inexplicably stopped looking for employment. The strong implication is 
survey sample error)

Consumer price inflation peaked at 4.6 percent per annum in the June 
1995 quarter, but in 1996 it has hovered between 2 and 2.6 percent. It is 
currently (year to December 1996) 2.6 percent.

The monetary authorities reacted to the emerging inflationary pressures 
associated with the cyclical peak by tightening monetary conditions, and 
this has led to an appreciating exchange rate. The Trade Weighted Index 
appreciated by 18 percent between the June quarter of 1984 and mid 
December 1996.

This, and the normal expansion of domestic consumption associated 
with the business cycle, has led to a deterioration in the balance of 
payments. The current account deficit is currently 4.6 percent of GDP 
and is forecast to remain at about that level for some considerable time 
(at least two more years).


The Economic "Miracle"

Why then, do the international agencies regard New Zealand as a 
success story?. In part it is because the almost complete opening up of 
the economy to international finance, investment and trade has created 
new opportunities for private capital; in part it is because the almost 
complete removal of worker rights and trade union roles sets an example 
of what might be as far as employment law is concerned, and in part it is 
because restructuring has seen a massive fall in the role of the 
government in the economy, a lowering of tax rates on company profits 
and higher incomes, the generation of government surpluses and a 
radical decline in the level of government debt.

In order to export these policies, the right wing has to convince other 
governments that the consequences are positive.

It is important to note, though:

* that the initial costs of restructuring were very high;    

* that when the economy did grow, it might well have grown in spite of 
the restructuring and not because of it; and    

* any gains are probably short term, and are not sustainable.

The supporters of the New Zealand experiment point out that the 
economy grew strongly from late 1992, and that unemployment fell 
from 11 to 6 percent. They do not point out that for six years before 
that, growth was zero and unemployment rose from 4 to 11 percent.


Other Explanations of Recent Economic Growth

Although the claim is that a reduction of the role of the government and 
of unions caused the growth, economists offer at least five competing 
explanations of why the economy grew.

Growth is not much more than what would be expected from a "bounce" 
off an incredibly long six year period of zero economic growth that 
accompanied the structural adjustment. Over the last decade, growth has 
averaged a very modest 1.5 percent.

The recovery was as much to do with good luck as it was good 
management. New Zealand experienced unusually good prices for some 
items it exported and imported at around the time of the economic 
uplift.

Structural adjustment rearranged the components of output, but much of 
the net addition to output - certainly in the period 1985 to 1993 - was a 
result of maturing horticultural and similar investments undertaken 
under the old regime of subsidies and tax incentives.

The main gains flowed out of the reform of finance, investment, trade, 
tax and public administration. The deregulation of the labour market and 
the dismantling of welfare entitlements were essentially about the 
distribution of national income, not about expanding it.

Growth was a result of a stimulus to private consumption which was in 
turn built around short term polices (high rates of immigration, cutbacks 
in public sector investment, one off reductions in the costs of employing 
low paid, unskilled workers) but these have overstretched the social 
infrastructure, dampened productivity growth, widened income 
inequalities, increased poverty and boosted household debt, and are 
inherently unsustainable.


Labour Market Indicators

The previous Minister of Labour has summarised government industrial 
relations policy as being "you can have rights or a job".

The government argues that the measure of the success of removing 
worker rights is that since then there have been over 200,000 jobs 
created. However, despite the job growth:

The numbers of people on benefits has continued to increase. 21 percent 
of working age New Zealanders depend on benefits, compared with only 
8 percent in 1985. In the year to June 1996, there were 62,000 more 
people in jobs, a reduction in the number of unemployment benefits paid 
of only 5,000, and a compensating 7,000 increase in other benefits.

Over the full cycle of restructuring, the net effect has been to 
concentrate employment growth on part time work. Over the decade 
September 1986 to September 1996, full time employment only 
increased by 1.3 percent, part time employment by 52.1 percent.

Labour productivity has been negative over the last two years. It 
declined by 1.5 percent in 1995/96, and is forecast to be zero in 
1996/97);

In the export sectors, and in sectors competing with imports, the rate of 
productivity growth and the level of employment have slumped. 
Productivity growth was zero between 1992 and 1996, and tradeables 
employment is down 48,600 over the last ten years.

A research project commissioned by the Wellington Manufacturers 
Association estimates that 65 percent of all exports are currently being 
produced at profitability levels below break-even, with the result that 
85,000 manufacturing jobs are currently marginal.

>From the point of view of workers, the key issues are:

* The government has controlled its own finances by cutting back on 
skills development, the development of industry, and upgrading the 
infrastructure. It has kept inflation under control by keeping interest 
rates high and by overvaluing the currency. Both factors have dampened 
productivity growth, reduced international competitiveness and lowered 
job security in those parts of the economy producing for export and 
competing with imports.    

* Limiting worker rights has seen a fall in unionisation rates and worker 
rights, so that even when the quantity of employment has increased (eg 
in the service sector), the quality of employment has deteriorated.    

* Over the country has a whole, unionisation levels have fallen by 45 
percent since 1991, the numbers of workers having their conditions of 
employment set through some sort of collective negotiation has been cut 
in half and real wages have fallen.

The economic experiment may have worked for finance capital, but it 
has not been kind to workers, farmers and manufacturers.

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