Doyle, thanks for bringing disability issues to our attention! a very
_silenced_ topic indeed, just like race and women's isues..

Mine


---------- Forwarded message ---------- Date: Sun, 21 May 2000 22:16:08
-0700 From: Doyle Saylor <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Reply-To: 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED],
[EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: [PEN-L:19401] Disability Issues, An arrow
in the new economy

Greetings Comrades,
In the local press I noticed two different kinds of disability influenced
analyses.   I wanted to bring out some of the implications.  I am looking at
class structure in relation to disabled people and how disability is
portrayed in the press.

The first article is in a local free weekly, The East Bay Express, May 12th
vol. ,# 31, "Working Without A Net--Could It Be That Welfare Reform Is
Actually a Success?" By Timothy Beneke, interviewing Jill Duerr Berrick at
UC Berkeley School of Social Welfare.  To summarize the article and then
give a few quotes, since the U.S. economy has produced more low paying jobs,
those people forced off welfare now participate directly in the workforce.
The question posed by the author of this article is 'the end of welfare'
working as social policy.   This phrasing refers to a shift going on in the
lives of seven million people where there are jobs affected by these work
for welfare rules.  The point of the researcher Berrick is that the
destruction of the welfare system hasn't been tested yet, since people can
find low paying jobs.  But here are parts that has disability contribution
to working class structure which Berrick does not seem to consider,

page 14, Berrick speaking,
.."The evidence is fairly clear that the U.S. has the worst record among
the industrialized democracies in its treatment of children.  The terrible
irony is that no one doing research on children denies that poverty has a
pernicious effect.  We know that the deeper and longer the poverty, the more
severe the effect.  And the earlier the child experiences poverty, the more
severe the effect.

"The negative effects include a myriad of things.  First, there are negative
implications for children's cognitive functioning--poverty affects
children's brain development.  The actual number of synapses that develop
inside your head is affected by how much cash your mother brings home!  It's
remarkable how the experience of poverty negatively affects the brain.

"We have known for a long time that there is a strong correlation between
poverty and negative social outcomes, such as children landing in the
juvenile justice system, young women getting pregnant early, dropping out of
high school, and so on.  But the new evidence on poverty and its
relationship with brain development is especially sobering.  When you think
of relegating whole classes of humanity to having fewer opportunities in
life because of that deprivation in the early years, the implications are
remarkably painful." page 15...

Doyle
It is not clear from the above statement this researcher grasps that they
are talking about disabilities and what that implies about a capitalist
social system.  Aside from the fact that the children being depicted don't
deserve to be thrown into a living hell, suppose we instead became aware of
what could happen to class structure if disability became a part of the
perspective on organizing workers.

On the one hand, the researcher above ignoring that disability (as a means
of creating class structure) has something to do with welfare rolls possibly
because disabled people conceptually are always outside the system of work
processes.   Where people who grow up in a mal-nourished environment develop
problems with various kinds of "able bodied" activity due to ingesting for
example lead paint this seems to mean to most people that that person is an
outcast from work itself, rather than question the structure of work itself
that creates such issues.   (It is a different issue that some disabled
people can't work.)   For which then others who are not at risk and can meet
the multiple demands upon their ability to work under schedules, lists of
things to do, etc function as part of the system and define an able
bodiedness that impedes how we might go in other directions.   But if people
are to work anyway, then being disabled has to become central to how work
itself is organized, or the end result is that disabled people will end up
homeless and begging on the streets as the easiest elements to discard in a
work life that is strictly defined by "able bodied" standards.  Furthermore
since being disabled usually considered invisible and outside the work force
as in a natural part of welfare life, and by ending welfare as we know it,
this forces the issue of what to do with millions of people affected by a
lack of safety net.

However suppose we didn't take it as a given that the only way to do things
is according to able bodied standards.  What Marxism has always focused upon
was an understanding of the working class as a whole, as opposed to
historical divisions of working people based upon kinds of work, racism,
sexism.  An effort by business to employ people outside the able bodied
norms does happen in this economy, because of economic pressures to find
more workers in a given profitable market place.  We see some disabled
people all the time in small roles (tokens) while the bulk of people with
disabilities remain locked out (aggregate of major disabled categories is
70% unemployment rate).   In order to structure a workers movement to
disabled elements we have to look more closely at the many different ways
the social systems denies disabled people being part of the whole.   Welfare
concepts of who is a worker and isn't makes it convenient for business to
not pay for a system of work that counts disabled people as human beings.
In a system where welfare safety nets don't exists, the choice for disabled
people is complete loss of all resources of support or having the work
system restructured to meet access needs.  There is no way for disabled
workers to fight effectively for those needs without social organization
linked to wider movements.  Social organization of workers cannot address
working class needs without making disability a serious part of the whole
structure of the working class.

Here is a typical specific one sees in disabled lives, a second example from
the capitalist press to give us a sense why we might understand wholeness
about class structure and class organizing of working class people has an
important disability component.

San Francisco Chronicle, page A10, Thursday May 11, 2000,
Stroke Victims Found to Be Good Lie Detectors,
With Speech Skills Damaged, They Learn to Read Facial Expressions,

by Richard A. Knox, Boston Globe,

"Boston, How do you tell when someone's lying? Don't listen to the words.
Watch the face.

"Researchers are reporting that people who have suffered brain damage that
wipes out their ability to decipher speech are much sharper than almost
everybody else at spotting lies.

"Not that most people are very good lie detectors.  In fact, study after
study has shown that the vast majority are no better than a coin-toss at
discriminating truth from falsehood--and that includes police officers,
psychiatrists, judges and customs inspectors.

"In sharp contrast, stroke victims who suffer from a disorder called
receptive aphasia - the inability to comprehend speech - can detect nearly
three lies out of every four.

"The reason is that, at least for some kinds of lies, words apparently get
in the way of other telling clues to perception.  When the brain's left
hemisphere speech comprehension area is damaged, that removes the
distraction of words.  The researchers believe that other parts of the brain
gradually sharpen, especially right-hemisphere areas attuned to tiny,
fleeting facial expressions that betray true feeling...."

Doyle
First we ought to keep in mind the caveat of Carrol Cox's recent remarks
about the popular presses frequent reprints of research claims.   Research
results often fluctuate from study to study, and we ourselves must keep a
critical eye upon the meaning of such things, being honest amongst ourselves
about the subject matter.

Through the lens of a disability we see how difficult it is to know how
other people feel from directly talking to them since these individuals who
had a stroke were now better equipped to understand how another person felt.
Thinking strikes us as so apart from feelings because words (in the form of
writing systems) do not directly transmit what feelings really produce in
human consciousness, which is a sensation of our part in social structure.
As Marx says of alienation of labor power in a broader context of the whole
class, this particular disability shows us that in a labor process of
producing words we encounter in normal communication, an emphasis upon words
impedes the tools of face to face human communication accomplishes.  The
whole human being is acknowledged by looking at the disability component to
the whole.  It gives us a sense of what we might construct toward in a great
new social movement.

Similar processes of a need for understanding happen to people having to
learn any of the core languages in developed economies of Capitalism as a
second language in a new immigrant community, so we could understand many
connections outside of disabilities to a larger community of social forces
in the whole system which structure working class people.

Pre-literate societies depend upon face to face social organization
(therefore see/understand feelings more clearly than someone used to
dismissing feelings as meaningless through the influence of writing
systems).  The material form of producing information in a pre-literate
society through speech acts can't compare with the versatility and precision
of writing thoughts down, but the question is to understand how important it
is to feeling the right thing about what we do, compared to making sound
"rational" judgement as we assume writing produces as a labor process.
There is a tie to the process of production of knowledge here (I am
referring to a labor process), of writing words that distorts human reality
in the sense that oppression that makes itself known through emotions cannot
be adequately expressed through writing systems.  Necessary as writing is to
our level of culture and production, writing also reflects a vast repression
of the disabled through cognitive barriers to participation in global
culture.  Where we might demand that the work process be disabled
accessible, we see that we have to have a whole to the class structure.
This is an extension of the original movement in labor organization to bind
together different industries into combinations that reflected the whole
class of workers in industries.

To summarize, the wide range of disabled experience, which is an out growth
of the unifying efforts of the activists who start the disabled movement
thirty years ago, we see many new ways of understanding what class does to
the system.  If we let go that someone disabled is invisible, and instead
make them central to the base of the movement we are given a unexplored
terrain of organizing.  As the above example shows with insights about what
stroke sometimes does, we have the materialist sources to understand much
deeper what is going on in the system that oppresses workers, we need to
bring that in to our movement.
thanks,
Doyle Saylor 

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