(J.R. Miller, "Shingwauk's Vision," pp. 184-188):

Writing about the 'Basic Concepts and Objectives' of Canada's Indian policy
in 1945, an official of the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs put his finger
squarely on the motivation behind residential schools. Noting Ottawa's
desire to promote self-sufficiency among the indigenous population, and
rightly zeroing in on Canada's systematic attack on traditional Indian
religion and cultural practices, the observer concluded that the dominion's
purpose was assimilation. As important as the push for self-support and
Christianization among the Indians was in its own right, it was 'also means
to another end: full citizenship and absorption into the body politic.'
Clearly, Canada chose to eliminate Indians by assimilating them, unlike the
Americans, who had long sought to exterminate them physically. 'In other
words, the extinction of the Indians as Indians is the ultimate end' of
Canadian Indian policy, noted the American official. The peaceful
elimination of Indians' sense of identity as Aboriginal people and their
integration into the general citizenry would eventually end any need for
Indian agents, farm instructors, financial assistance, residential schools,
and other programs. By the cultural assimilation it would bring about,
education residential schools would prove 'the means of wiping out the
whole Indian establishment.'

Assumptions of racial superiority by Euro-Canadians were not unique the
area of Native/non-Native relations. In fact, by the late nineteenth
century white-skinned Canadians were very much inclined to look down on
people of different hues for several reasons. New strains of scientific
racism such as Social Darwinism, the influence of British imperialist
attitudes, and the spillover from the institutionalized racism that
survived the Civil War and emancipation in the neighbouring United States
combined to influence Euro-Canadian society strongly in a racist manner.
The consequences of these attitudes included legislation and informal
policies that restricted Blacks to segregated schools Nova Scotia and
Ontario, discouragement of Black immigration the western plains, and
aggressive campaigns to keep Asian and Indian immigrants out of British
Columbia. From the middle of nineteenth century onward, Canadians who
identified with the Caucasian race usually held condescending attitudes
towards non-white peoples.

Similarly racist assumptions, now applied specifically to Indians, underlay
policy towards Natives in the decades after the making of the treaties.
Indian Affairs officials and missionaries recognized that aboriginal
peoples often held to different values, even if those values were usually
decried rather than celebrated. And both officials and missionaries
generally recognized that Native peoples organized their lives differently
from Euro-Canadians. The problem was that bureaucrats and educators tended
to assess Indian ways against the standard of their own society: Indian
culture was defective because it was different. The deputy minister of
Indian affairs expressed this view early in century when commenting on the
difficulty that Ottawa and the churches were experiencing in changing
Indians' behaviour. 'It must not be forgotten,' wrote Frank Pedley, 'that
we are working in a material that is stubborn in itself; that the Indian
constitutionally dislikes work and does not feel the need of laying up
stores or amassing wealth. The idea which is ingrained in our civilization
appears to be at a race must be thrifty and must surround itself with all
manner of wealth and comforts before it is entitled to be considered
civilized. The Indian has not yet reached that stage, and it is doubtful if
he will -were such desirable.' Officialdom, which thought of Aboriginal
peoples as financial burdens, assessed Indian identity in terms of
self-sufficiency, and in doing so its standard was a Euro-Canadian one of
economic competition and individuality.

>From the 1880s onward these attitudes manifested themselves in what is
sometimes referred to as Canada's 'policy of the Bible and the plough.'
This complex of legislation and programs embraced the missions and schools
of which residential schools were a subset, campaigns to control and
reshape Aboriginal political behaviour, efforts on the western plains to
coerce Native hunters to become sedentary subsistence farmers, and attacks
on traditional Aboriginal customs such as the potlatch on the Pacific and
the Sun Dance and Thirst Dance on the prairies. Every one of these
government programs had a justification and a legitimate objective, at
least in the eyes of the bureaucrats who planned them and the missionaries
and Indian agents who were charged with the responsibility of carrying them
out. However, they were also based on an assumption that Native people were
morally inferior to Caucasians, principally because of racial factors.

Missionary teachers, who subscribed to the pervasive racism of EuroCanadian
society, focused on specific features of Indian life when it came time to
discuss what sort of person they were trying to fashion in the residential
schools. And because principals, teachers, and child-care workers had much
more exposure to Native society than did Ottawa bureaucrats, their analysis
tended to be more complex, more oriented to non-material aspects of
Aboriginal life, and more detailed. However, they shared with Indian
Affairs staff a tendency to judge Native society by a Euro-Canadian
standard. Although their judgments were more mixed than those of officials,
church people also held negative opinions about the worth of Native society.

The essence of the missionary indictment was that Natives were morally and
intellectually degenerate, either as a result of post-contact debasement or
from an innately infantile moral nature. Officials in both the churches and
the government operated on the basis that their Indian 'wards' were
incapable of looking after themselves. Frequently, the missionary doctrine
of Aboriginal infantilism was based on a theory of social development that
located Indians invidiously in relation to Euro-Canadian society or
'civilization.' The Anglicans' Canadian Churchman, for example, contended
that North American Aboriginal society had gone through three stages since
the coming of the European, and had benefited from 'close and intimate
touch with a conquering white race.' At the time of contact, Indian society
had been in a 'condition of savagery pure and simple, wherein some
primitive and virile virtues flourish and the race preserves its vigor and
vitality.' After contact comes 'that most trying and critical transitional
period, in which the native having acquired certain of the characteristics
of the white man and unlearned his own, is in danger of degenerating into a
sort of non-descript, possessed of the weaknesses and vices of both races
without any of the counterbalancing virtues.' Now, thanks in no small part
to the churches and Ottawa, they were on their way to recovery. 'Indians
have turned the corner, and are no longer a "dying race." They have
successfully endured the ordeal of contact with the stronger and superior
race and are now on the high road to complete civilization.'

What made the effort to 'civilize' the indigenous people a congenial task
for church people was their belief that Indians, though harder to
assimilate than some other groups, produced a better product once
assimilated. 'There is a certain innate dignity about the Indian,' ought
the Anglican journal, 'that marks him off from the negro, who in
adaptability his superior, is his inferior in those qualities, which, en
cultivated and developed place him on a level of acknowledged with
civilized peoples.' The Indian had the potential to take 'place among white
men and become their natural equal.' Indians innate virtues that others
lacked, qualities that made the task initially more daunting than it was
with some others. 'Of tougher fibre an most of the other coloured races, he
is slow to respond to his new environment, but when he does the results are
nearly always highly satisfactory. As a rule the civilized Indian remains
civilized. His civilization not a veneer, but a radical transformation.' As
a prominent Methodist missionary argued, Aboriginal peoples' response to
Euro-Canadian dominance showed that they were capable of moral development.
'If a century ago an absolutely alien people like the Chinese had waded our
shores and driven the white colonists before them to distant and more
isolated territories, destroying the institutions on which had always
subsisted, and crowned all by disarming them and penning them on various
tracts of land, where they could be partially clothed, fed and cared for at
no cost to themselves, to what conditions the white Canadians of to-day
have been reduced in spite of their vigorous ancestry?' Native resilience
in the face of another dominant race was impressive. 'That our red brethren
have not been wholly ruined by it is the best proof we could ask of the
sturdy traits of character inherent in them.' If Indians were at present in
their moral infancy, they had the potential for an admirable adulthood.



Louis Proyect
(http://www.panix.com/~lnp3/marxism.html)



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