My posts on this are going to be constrained by this being a out-of-worktime activity for me (see my signature) despite the topic being close to my heart. Here's a few comments on the messages that have flown by since my last. Sorry if it's a bit long - it's quicker for me that way! 1. Doug Henwood wrote (2 May) "I agree that financial activity can be destructive, but I don't think that case can be made simply by citing figures about turnover. I think it has to be made a lot more carefully than that ...." An interesting example from New Zealand: a U.S. Bankers Trust dealer, Andrew Krieger, claimed that in late 1987 he "played" several hundred million - possibly as much as a billion - New Zealand dollars against New Zealand's currency, leading to a fall by 10% of the value of the New Zealand dollar ("The Money Bazaar - inside the Trillion-dollar world of Currency Trading", Andrew J. Krieger with Edward Claflin, Times Books N.Y., 1992, p.93ff). New Zealand politics is very conscious (perhaps hyper- conscious) of the ability of financial dealers to manipulate the economy, and it has been used as a scare tactic frequently during recent elections. 2. Doug also wrote (4 May) in reply to my comments that the recent changes in the New Zealand economy were due to opening it, i.e. globalisation: (mentions Jane Kelsey's book and Bruce Jesson) "... But I thought that one reason the New Zealand economy developed problems in the 1970s was that Britain stopped buying butter and lamb, causing tremendous dislocations. Was that relation to Britain pre- globalized?" In fact it was. (The problems of the 1970's actually were a mixture of the above and the oil "crisis" but that distinction probably doesn't matter here.) Until WWII, New Zealand's exports were almost entirely meat and dairy products to Britain under privileged trade arrangements which suited Britain because they provided cheap food. >From the 1940's until the 1960's the rest of the New Zealand economy was heavily protected - most distinctively by import controls. That had two purposes: to protect developing industry, and to prevent a current account blowout due to the demand generated by (genuinely, believe it or not) full employment. Not your 6% NAIRU this - only a few thousand out of work at any time. This protectionist policy (developed by one of the few genuine nationalist settler New Zealanders that New Zealand has ever had, Bill Sutch, later falsely accused of being Soviet spy in order to discredit him) was developed very consciously to counteract the "globalisation" effects of unpredictable farm produce prices - the aim was to balance the reliance on farm produce with industry in order to achieve full employment. One reaction to the entry of Britain to the EEC (which stopped the privileged arrangements) could have been to continue with the protectionist policies while new markets were found (as markets have been). Instead the then (Labour) government borrowed abroad, and that policy continued, in the end being one of the pressures for fully opening the economy in 1984. So in a sense, Doug you are right: there always have been globalising pressures. But in the past we've been able to resist the worst effects of them. Then Doug says in response to my comment that the Keynesian revolution of the 1930s was to try to protect against earlier forms of globalisation, at least in New Zealand, "Wasn't one of the most characteristic features of the 1930s the collapse of world trade? That is, wasn't `de-globalization' both a cause and a symptom of crisis?" Certainly a symptom, but in New Zealand's case (and more generally) there were national solutions found. Isn't the fact that national economies are no longer able (or allowed) to find such solutions an indication that globalisation has intensified? And sure WWII is a confounding factor here, but again, I think in the case of New Zealand-sized countries that wasn't necessary for recovery. 3. Colin Danby (4 May) wrote regarding Foreign Ownership, that "the claim seems to be that foreign owners are less rooted and less vulnerable to local pressure, and that previously-existing worker-capitalist compacts, overseen by social-democratic states, are thereby jeopardized." He suggested that required an industry-by-industry analysis, and that foreign competition may be just an excuse for recessionary policies. Bill Burgess (4 May) makes a similar point. What most distinguishes "foreign" owners is not their foreign-ness but their footloose-ness. Locally owned transnationals have the same characteristic: that they no longer depend for their own workers (to oversimplify) for demand for their products. Even where they do (in service industries) they can still credibly threaten to move somewhere more profitable. The same logic applies to an extent to exporters, though what moderates that is the degree to which they also supply the domestic market (their own workers). Thus both FDI and increasing dependence on exporting have the effect of breaking the link of mutual dependence that Keynes pointed out and which is the strongest guarantor of capitalist support for social-democracy: capitalists need to sell their goods to make profits, consumers need jobs or social welfare to buy them. Both increasing FDI (inward or outward) and exports are hallmarks of globalisation. To give a New Zealand example, our farmers have always exported most of their produce. Their leaders (not necessarily all farmers by any means) have always been amongst the most implacable opponents of social welfare and increased government spending - though they have been quite happy to build highly developed cooperatives and government-protected marketing boards (which I support). Rakesh Bhandari (3 May) quoted Krugman as believing that "wages will eventually rise abroad as a result of increased productivity and that equilibrium will slowly be restored." If that happens (after a very long and very painful transition) then the Keynesian relationship will be restored. A new international bourgeois "democratic" form of government will have to be created to enforce the social-democratic relationship: an interesting topic for debate! 4. Finally I appreciate my statistics being appreciated by Louis Proyect (4 May) and others. I find the list stimulating even when I don't understand most of it and remain silent (i.e. most of the time). Keep it up! Cheers Bill Rosenberg