-----Original Message-----
From: Doug Henwood <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

>The UAW wants to organize "knowledge workers." That's why they absorbed
>the
>National Writers Union, why they represent the staff at the Village
>Voice,
>Barnard College, and, increasingly grad students too. Now if they could
>get
>around to organizing all those nonunion auto parts plants in Ohio too....

Actually, the reason TAs at UC and other knowledge workers ended up in the
UAW is a bit more byzantine.  UC-Berkeley officially joined District 65,
which was a large autonomous grouping within the UAW encompassing the
staff at the Village Voice and a number of other, mostly New York based
"knowledge workers."

District 65 itself had been one of the old, mostly Communist-led
independent unions that survived the 1948=1949 anti-left purge of the CIO.
They were an independent union, largely representing button-makers and
small, independent shops - often representing workers who no one else in
the New York area AFL-CIO wanted to even try to represent.  Which led them
(through obvious and not so obvious motivations) to make a bid for various
knowledge-based workers who the AFL-CIO was not interested in, and who
probably were often not that interested in the AFL-CIO in the days of the
New Left 60s.

In the 1980s, the economics of unionism, particularly problems in health
care funds, led District 65 to decide they could not survive on their own
and cut a deal to affiliate with the UAW, bringing in their motley
assortment of intellectual workers.

At roughly the same time in the late 80s, UC-Berkeley grad students were
looking around for their own union home to affiliate with.  A number of
unions were approached and Dist 65 looked like a good fit- savvy on the
complications of knowledge workers yet with the backing of the resources
of the UAW.

Part of the deal was that the Berkeley union could retain its non-UAW
constitution, such as collective leadership along with other quirks.

Now, as Dist 65 was fully absorbed into UAW, this had all sorts of
interesting effects on the Berkeley local (and the expanding number of UAW
locals at other campuses).  First, the leadership of Dist 65 ended up
being incredibly strong partisans of the established UAW leadership
against the New Directions rank-and-file insurgency.  When New Directions
made a strong bid to take control of the Western region of the UAW, the
staff at the Berkeley local worked hard to make sure the representatives
from the campus to the UAW convention supported the UAW leadership.  In
fact, the Dist 65 votes were the margin of victory for the established UAW
leadership over the New Directions challenge.

Secondly, as time went on, the locals were increasingly remade in the
image of traditional UAW locals, including the abolishment of collective
leadership and the disempowerment of stewards councils in favor of the
executive board.

During the two-month TA strike back in Fall of 1991 at UC-Berkeley and
UC-Santa Cruz, the sad thing was that the strike was basically conducted
like the Caterpiller strike of the same period: walk the picket line in a
mostly mindless way.  No serious mobilization of the undergrads, no
targetting of Regents for their economic ties, no corporate campaigns, and
ultimately no creation of rank-and-file mobilization during a rather
amazing act of solidarity by graduate students.

The currently proposed strike is a sort of sad symbolic thing (as have all
actions since 1991).  TAs will strike but undergrads will be encouraged to
cross the picket line to go to classes with their professors.  Like so
many unions, the lesson of a failure was not to be more creative and
daring, but to be more timid and ineffectual.

--Nathan Newman



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