Please excuse if the lines wrap funny. I wanted to retain the format with the sidebar advert links to "Invesco" juxtaposed to the story of Russian foreign currency reserves funneled into a offshore shell company, "Fimaco". [The Washington Post[CyberLearning Center] [Navigation Bar] [Navigation Bar] Enter symbols Central Bank Hid Investments of Russian Funds separated by a space: By David Hoffman Washington Post Foreign Service [getquotes] Monday, March 8, 1999; Page A1 Look Up Symbols MOSCOW – The Russian Central Bank sent billions of Portfolio dollars of foreign currency reserves out of the country [ ] and into a secret offshore network during the past five Made Possible years, and profits from the investments appear to have by: been concealed from the Russian authorities, according [E*Trade] to an internal audit of the bank's activity. Moreover, documents show, part of the hidden flow of money was clandestinely directed back into Russia's [www.scottrade.cohigh-flying government treasury bond market in 1996 in a move that may have been illegal. [Vanguard Group] [Invesco] The documents are part of an internal audit of the Central Bank for 1997. The audit has been disclosed to [Strong Funds] parliament, but the internal documents have not. The documents, contents of which were disclosed to The [Partners:] Washington Post, suggest unorthodox and possibly risky management of Russia's precious foreign currency reserves between 1993 and last year, as Russia struggled with a difficult transition to a market economy. A leading member of the Russian parliament has raised further questions about whether the foreign currency reserves were used for private gain, although there is no evidence of who got the money. In particular, the documents say that data about profits from the offshore investments is missing, that information was concealed from Russia's investigating authorities and that the Central Bank lacked control over billions of dollars it sent overseas. The questions about the offshore network come at an awkward time for Russia. The government is hoping to persuade Western creditors to provide billions of dollars in further debt relief, and that decision could be complicated if it is established that earlier aid was misused. Another unanswered question is how much Western donors may have known about the complex, hidden flow of funds set up by the Central Bank, which has handled major infusions of aid from the International Monetary Fund. At the same time, the Central Bank is facing renewed demands in parliament to curb its independence. The Central Bank has responded to questions about the issue with brief explanations, and silence. Viktor Gerashchenko, the current chairman, who served a previous term when the offshore network was started, has classified as a state secret five parts of a report on the Central Bank's activities prepared by the Auditing Chamber, a parliamentary investigating body. Among the subjects stamped secret are the bank's use of hard currency reserves, its payroll, its pension fund and its use of IMF money. The Central Bank refused to answer questions submitted in writing by The Post, saying that it would have no comment until another audit is completed. The Russian Central Bank is a powerful, largely autonomous institution that has played a key role in the successes and failures of Russia's struggle to establish a market democracy. After the Soviet Union's collapse and freeing of prices from controls in 1992, hyper-inflation gripped the country, fueled in part by easy credits from the Central Bank during Gerashchenko's first term. Later, it reversed course under Sergei Dubinin and played a key role in bringing down inflation, although critics said he was too rigid in 1998 when a devaluation crisis loomed Last Aug. 17, Russia devalued the ruble and defaulted on its domestic debts, triggering the worst economic crisis since the Soviet collapse. The Central Bank has potent tools for influencing the economy, including buying and selling government bonds, and setting foreign currency exchange rates and interest rates. Moreover, the bank holds a majority share in Sberbank, the state savings bank, and controls parts of other former Soviet state banks. Aside from its economic policies, the Central Bank also has been involved in several long-running disputes over its independence and autonomy. One issue has been whether – and how much – the bank should share its financial gains with the government. Under an April 1995 compromise law, half the bank's profits were to be turned over to the government. But the Central Bank is being accused of bypassing the agreement. Nikolai Gonchar, an independent member of the lower house of parliament, the State Duma, and a member of its budget committee, has charged that the Central Bank hid profits from the government. At a news conference and in an interview, Gonchar said Russia's foreign currency reserves were invested offshore, and then the profits disappeared. "I want to know, what is the real income?" he said. "I do not know it, and I should know it, according to the law." At the center of the controversy is the offshore firm Financial Management Co. Ltd., known as Fimaco, which handled Russia's foreign currency reserves. Its existence was revealed in a letter that chief prosecutor Yuri Skuratov sent to parliament Feb. 1, followed immediately by his abrupt and still unexplained resignation. The firm was set up in 1990 in Jersey, Channel Islands, with initial capital of $1,000, according to registration documents there. Fimaco has not responded to the latest charges although former Central Bank officials have defended it. Dubinin, the former bank chairman, and his deputy, Sergei Aleksashenko, have claimed in an open letter published here that the offshore haven was needed to protect the currency reserves against seizure in a legal dispute. They recalled that a Swiss businessman had seized Russian government bank accounts in Europe in 1993. It is not unusual for countries to park their currency reserves abroad in safe securities or bonds of other countries. But it is highly unusual for a country to turn over its reserves to a small, little-known management company. "If you are going to shelter Central Bank assets, you don't set up a Jersey shell company, which any bright divorce lawyer could crack open in an afternoon," said Eric Kraus, head of fixed-income securities for Dresdner Kleinwort Benson, an investment firm here. The use of an offshore haven goes to the heart of Russia's economic woes. Many Russians and overseas investors have been reluctant to keep money in Russia because of legal, political and economic risks. This has given rise to a debilitating flight of capital, which many experts have identified as one of Russia's biggest economic problems. When questions were first raised, Gerashchenko told parliament that Fimaco was a wholly-owned subsidiary of Eurobank, a Paris-based bank in which the Central Bank has a majority share. However, the registration documents for Fimaco list the shareholders as Ogier Nominees Ltd. and Ogier Secretaries Ltd., and it is not clear who they represent. According to the internal documents, the Central Bank initially set high standards for Fimaco's investments in Western currencies – specifying the amount to be put in dollars, French francs, German marks and so on. But later, the standards were dropped. The internal document concludes: "There is a lack of control over Fimaco's administrative and financial activity from the Central Bank. The Central Bank does not have at its disposal information about the shareholders of Fimaco. In reality, the Central Bank did not exercise control over the quality of management of the currency reserves and, in fact, jeopardized them." Gonchar, who has been probing the origins of Fimaco, made public an internal Central Bank document suggesting that an attempt was made to keep some transactions off the books. According to the document, "Instruction No. 181" dated Dec. 27, 1993, says the amount of money in the Central Bank account with Fimaco "is not disclosed on the balance sheet of the Bank of Russia." A Central Bank spokesman refused to comment on the document. Alexander Khandruyev, first deputy of the Central Bank until last year, said decisions about Fimaco "were not made in the board of directors." Khandruyev, who was a member of the Central Bank board, added, "These were quiet decisions." Questions also persist about the volume of Russia's currency reserves that Fimaco handled. Dubinin said it never exceeded $1.4 billion at any given time. The prosecutor said it was $37 billion over five years. Russia's gold and foreign exchange reserves now stand at about $11.4 billion, down from a peak of $24 billion in mid-1997, before the global economic crisis. The internal documents raise questions about what happened to the profits and interest earned on the Central Bank's investments in Fimaco. They conclude that profits must have been earned, but it is not clear where they went. Some may have remained at Fimaco, but the Central Bank's records "lack data" about the use of the profits, according to the documents. "Having concealed the profits on operations with Fimaco in 1993-94, the Central Bank has distorted financial reports and could use the received currency for illegal operations," the internal documents report. The internal documents also confirm a charge leveled by Gonchar that the foreign currency reserves of the Central Bank were channeled into Russia's high-yielding, short-term government bonds, known as GKOs, in 1996 when it may have been illegal. Russia, chronically strapped for cash, began floating these bonds in 1993. They have often been a barometer of risk. At times of turmoil, the yields rose to more than 200 percent annually. Foreigners originally were banned from investing in GKOs but in late 1996 the market was opened to overseas investors. However, before the market was legally opened, according to the internal documents, the Central Bank was using Fimaco to secretly invest in the bonds from overseas, which would have been illegal. According to the documents, $855 million was transferred to Fimaco for investing in the bonds between Feb. 29 and May 28, 1996. The internal documents also confirm that the investments in the GKO market were channeled through a Moscow-based commercial bank, Eurofinance, which has specialized in the GKO market. The two largest shareholders of Eurofinance are the Central Bank's own subsidiaries – Eurobank in Paris, with 45 percent, and Fimaco, with 35 percent. Eurofinance refused to respond to repeated written requests for comment. The bank's annual report for 1997 says it placed $4.5 billion in the government bonds that year, and $3.5 billion in 1996. The bonds later played a significant role in the Russian economic crisis because the government reached a point where the interest payments were so high that it could no longer meet them. The Russian government defaulted on Aug. 17 on about $50 billion in these bonds. Dmitri Vasiliyev, chairman of the Russian federal securities commission and a long-time critic of the Central Bank, said in an interview that the Central Bank had a major conflict of interest in the government securities market, which it partially regulates while also was playing for profit. "Obviously this is an unfair game, with marked cards," he said. © Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company Back to the top [Navigation Bar] [Navigation Bar] [National Rookie League] [Click here tosave on Bell Atlantic special offers] regards, Tom Walker http://www.vcn.bc.ca/timework/covenant.htm