The next step in O'Brien's argument is to consider the significance 
of the colonial trade for Britain alone, which may be the real test 
in this whole debate, as the upturn in economic growth which Britain 
experienced in the 18th century coincided with a quickened pace of 
expansion  in the foreign trade sector, with the *colonial trade 
pulling ahead*. Thus, if we look at the geography of England's 
trade, we find that, in 1700-01, 62% of English imports came from 
Europe and 82% of its exports went there. Yet, by the end of the 
century, 1797-98,  those figures had dropped, respectively, to 29% 
and 21%. 

On the other hand,  while in 1700 the North American colonies and 
the West Indies accounted for only  20% of English imports, and 11% 
of  exports, by 1797 they acounted, respectively,  for 32% and 57% 
(Thomas and McCloskey, 1981). 

Europe still accounted for most of  England's re-exports throughout 
the 18th century (77% of its re-exports still went to Europe), but these were, 
afterall, re-exports of colonial produce, which England used to pay 
its European imports. Indeed, Deane (1965) has observed that the 
*volume* of  English re-exports rose by 90% from 1700-1750, and that 
without re-exportting such products as sugar, tabacco, cotton, and indigo 
(with their income elastic demand) England would not have been able 
to buy critical raw materials like timber and bar iron from Europe. 
  
If we add  the fact that, through the 18th century, England changed 
its position from an exporter of grains to a net importer (that in 1772 
only 0.2% of imports were grains, and by 1800 they were 8.7%), as 
well as keeping in mind those Navigation Acts regulating the colonial trade to 
the benefit of  England, what we  have here is *as good a case 
as can be made of  a core country accumulating its capital by exploiting, 
through foreign trade, the periphery*.  

Yet, according to O'Brien's tentative findings, England;s trade with 
the periphery, and the profits thereof, were still too small a percentage of 
its total economy to explain its expansion through the 18th century. 
Thus, by means of a counterfactual demonstration, he argues that, if 
Britain had not traded with the periphery, its gross annual 
investment expenditures would have decreased by no more than 7%. 
In constructing this counterfactual O'Brien makes the rather 
optimistic assumption that colonial profits were very high and that 
capitalists reinvested 30% of their profits. 


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