The PDS success in Saxony follows that in Thuringia and in Brandenburg. It
is now said to be have at least 20% of the votes in all the former East
German Laender,

Prior to this election, the PDS was equal in votes to the SPD (just a
little behind). Only in Dresden was its percentage of voters twice as large
as that of the SPD. Now its percentage is twice as large as that of the SPD
in Saxony as a whole.

Here is the English translation the PDS have just posted on their website.

Chris Burford

London

________________________________________________



>From the PDS web-site


PDS International 

Information on the results of the Landtag elections in Saxony on 19
September, 1999

PDS National Executive (September 1999) 

The Landtag elections in the East German federal state of Saxony have
further strengthened
the main tendencies of last week’s vote in Thuringia: an absolute majority
for the CDU, an
eclatant defeat for the SPD and a new success for the PDS. 

The PDS is the actual winner of these elections. It is the only one of the
big parties with
considerable gains in relative and absolute terms. Compared with the
Landtag elections of
1994 it increased its share of the vote by 5.7 % to 22.2 %, the number of
seats by 9 to 30.
The PDS attracted around 140,000 more voters, among them 41,000 former
voters of the
SPD and 21,000 followers of the CDU. It succeeded in acquiring new groups
of voters. 

This is first and foremost a result of the active and selfless work of the
party’s members,
officers and delegates in towns and villages as well as on the lander
level. They have brought more competence to the party and won it the
confidence of the people. The PDS has
consistently put the social question in the centre of its political
activities and the election campaign. The voters accepted it as the party
of social justice. This goes more and more for the federal level too. 

With this result the PDS has sent the SPD for the second time (after
Thuringia) - with more
than a double share of the vote - to the third place among the political
parties in an East
German federal state. However, it was not able to break the absolute
majority of the
conservatives. As the strongest opposition party the PDS is now the
challenger of the CDU. It
has a higher responsibility for developing concrete and convincing
alternatives to the
government’s neo-liberal course. With this it also gained broader political
chances. 

In Saxony the SPD suffered the 5th successive defeat in Landtag elections.
Thus the Red
Green federal government has managed to radically change the political map
on the lander
level within twelve months to the advantage of the CDU. The Saxony SPD has
sunk to a
historic low in its participation in Landtag elections. Its share went down
by 5.9 % to 10.7 % of the vote, the number of seats by 8 to 14. The SPD
lost about one third of its electorate, particularly among the young and
the unemployed. 

One reason for this dramatic development is the massive refusal by the
voters of the Red-
Green federal government’s neo-liberal policy. The government itself has
become the most
serious obstacle to the necessary social, ecological and democratic reform
of society. A
second important factor is the lack of profile of the Saxony SPD and its
leader who on the
one hand curried favour with the CDU and avoided any serious debate on the
performance of
the state government, but on the other hand sharply distanced himself from
the PDS. The
reproaches to the Thuringia SPD one week ago that its bad result was due to
certain
advances toward the PDS have now clearly been proved wrong in Saxony. On
the contrary,
where SPD lander organisations are cooperating in various forms with the
PDS there they
have scored the best election results (in Saxony-Anhalt 35.9 %, in
Mecklenburg-
Vorpommern 34.3 %). Where they have opted more or less openly for a grand
coalition with
the CDU they have lost considerably (in Thuringia they got 18.4 % and in
Saxony 10.7 %).
The SPD federal leadership until now gave no signs of drawing conclusions
from this election
defeat for their future policy. 

The CDU with 56.9 % of the vote and 76 seats in the Landtag received a
clear confirmation
of its absolute majority. However, it did not win the envisaged majority of
two thirds and had even to bear a slight loss of 1.2 % in comparison with
its top result of 1994. It had to cede one mandate to the PDS. The heavy
CDU losses during the National elections of September
1998 in Saxony obviously did not influence this result. 

The reasons of this success on the one hand is the general trend on the
federal level in favour of the CDU, on the other hand the undisputed
popularity of Prime minister Kurt Biedenkopf, a well-known former General
Secretary of the CDU and rival of Chancellor Kohl. Speaking out in a
populist manner with great public appeal for the interests of the East
Germans, confronting himself sometimes with the chancellors Kohl and
Schröder and even with the EU Commission he surrounded himself with the
aura of a devoted father of all Saxons. However, unemployment has risen in
these 5 years and in economic growth rates Saxony has fallen back behind
Thuringia and Brandenburg. Nevertheless the orientation of the election
campaign exclusively on the person of Biedenkopf has paid. 

Alliance 90/The Greens and the Free Democrats (FDP) again failed to enter
the Landtag. The
Saxon voters confirmed their having no role to play in East German
politics. The Greens fell
from 4.1 % to 2.6 %, the FDP from 1.7 % to 1.1 %. 

The good news is that in Saxony no neo-nazi party managed to take the
5-%-barrier. The
two parties The Republicans and the NPD got only 1.5 % and 1.4 % of the
vote respectively.
But compared with 1994 they won 1.6 % and, if going together, could with
2.9 % even have
taken the 4th place in the party spectrum in front of the Greens. Among the
first time voters
the NPD scored 9 %. The Saxon government is obviously unable to prevent the
development
of a dangerous potential of right extremism, especially among the young.
That is why there
must be no lessening in the struggle against right extremism and neo-fascism. 

The turnout during these elections was 61.1 %, i. e. by 2.7 % higher than
in 1994. The
generally low level confirms the tendency of an overall disinterest in
politics and political
parties among the voters. 

The Landtag elections in Saxony have their significance beyond this federal
state. Saxony is
the most populated state of East Germany, the industrial heart of the
region. The signals of
these elections are contradictory. On the one hand the SPD was once more
severely punished
for its neo-liberal course. At the same time forces were consolidated which
under a different
party label follow a very similar line. On the other hand the consistent
opposition to this policy was strengthened. How this complex situation will
affect the further behaviour of the federal government and the Berlin
elections on 10 October, 1999 remains to be seen. 


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