I had the same sort of training as Ken Hanly, somewhat later on, basically 
high powered analytical philosophy: rather than Austin and Bowsma, my icons 
were Quine, Davidson, and Rawls, my teachers Rorty, Harman, Kuhn, and Scanlon 
(undergrad), Gibbard, Railton, and Mary Hesse (grad). I did pick up a love 
for classical German philosophy from Kant and Hegel through Marx, and I was 
never allegic to the continentals. 

Unlike Ken, I think very highly of Foucault, and in particular of Discipline 
and Punish, which I regard as a genuinely great book; Derrida is obviously 
very deep and interesting too, though I do not pretend to have mastered his 
thought to my own satisfaction. But I took this material seriosuly enough to 
work on it and, when I was teaching, to attempt to teach it--as much to learn 
it myself as anything else. By and large, I didn't like it, with the 
exceptions noted above and a few others--Nancy Fraser and Iris Young are 
excellent.

Colin's irritated response here accuses me of not getting it, given my 
summary of what I learned.  I make certain generalizations, and he says there 
are exceptions. I admit that, and he accuses me of weaseling. Can't win on 
that sort of argument, of course, but this is part of pomo nominalism: 
everything is difference, nothing is like anything else, there are no valid 
generalizations, so the very sort of critique of pomo, indeed the very idea 
of a critique of pomo, is flawed from the start. Oh well. 

Some brief replies:
 
 > Then he should know that there are very large differences
 among them.

Of course. As I said. But I think most of them advocate most of the positions 
that I indicated.
 
>Who is the naive relativist
 in the list above?  "Relativism" is the key term in the
 standard, ignorant, conflationst attack on the mythical
 unity of "pomo".  Relativism is
 in fact a highly modernist position.  See for example Haraway's
 blistering attack on relativism in her "Situated Knowledges" essay.

Yeah, and Rorty has denied that he is a relativist or that relativism is a 
coherent position. But he also accepts the doctrine that I understand to be 
relativist that there is no nonarbitrary way of choosing between different 
basic conceptions of the world or justice. We start where we are and we stay 
there; our ideas are ours that thus justified. That's realtivism as I 
understand it. Foucault claims that "truth" is just the operation of 
power--which claims are true is determined by what the structures of 
discipline and normativity will allow to be said and accepted. What's that if 
not relativism? Etc. Most of the big guys and gals in this game are not 
"naive"--unlike Nicole, they know the moves and countermoves, but that 
doesn'r mean they are not relativists as we "modernists"--I guess I am 
one--understand the term.
 
 >
 > 2) antiessentialism, and
 >
 > 3) anti-grand-narrativism,  

 > These 2 apply only in
 the sense that learning how to critique these things helped a
 lot of different people see deeper problems.  But this is just
 a first babystep.  Indeed this kind of critique, by itself, is
 not even terribly new.

OK, so Colin admits that these "babysteps" are actually held by most pomos, 
although he regards them as nothing new. Well, Marx never claimed that class 
analysis was anything new, but it's acharacterustic Marxist position anyway. 
And what are these great new insights we get by discarding the idea that 
people or groups of them have any objective nature or that history has any 
directionality, including any progressive tendency towards greater technical 
productivity or emancipation from class oppression? 
 
 > 4) Linguistic idealism; the idea that reality is constituted by local
 > linguistic conventions;
 
 >Wrong, if this phrase means anything at all.  Here we can
 see the kind of confusion that conflating pomo and
 post-structralism produces.

Two can play at that game. No, you are wrong, and probably meaningless too. 
But in fact, the relativist doctrines (denied to be such) urged by Rorty and 
Foucault implicate precisely such a linuistic idealism, which after all is no 
more (or less) puzzling than the claim that material objects are constituted 
by ideas (Berkeley), the operation of the understanding on the intuitions 
generated by the affection of the thing in itself on the mind (Kant), or lots 
of other wacky idealist theories. 

I suppose the second sentence is meant to suggests that postrucs may be 
linguistic idealists but pomos are not. But poststrucs are an early moment in 
the history of pomo, and pomos like Derrida do treat everything as a text.
 
 > 5) "marginalism," an affection for groups at the margins of society
 (not the
 > working class) which is also connected with
 
 > Right only to the extent that 2-3 above compel attention
 to exclusions and omissions, and call into question
 (which is not the same thing as deny) simple unities
 like "the working class."

OK, so I am 3 for 5 so far by your very own accounting--that's not half bad. 
And while we are attacking people for simple reductionsim, who are you 
thinking of regards the working class as a "simple unity"? Certainly no 
Marxist I can think of. The history of Marxist theory is the history of the 
struggle to apprehend and analyze the divisions within the working class as 
well as in society. What do you think the point of Marx's theory of ideology 
is, first and foremost?
 
 > 6) An identity politics that focuses on respect and recognition rather
 than a
 > class politics that focuses on interests and power.
 
 > Howlingly wrong.  Post-structuralists like Said and
 Spivak are sharply critical of identity politics.
 Postmodernism is *nothing* if not a
 critique of the whole notion of identity, and has thus
 always been sharply at odds with identity politics and
 standpoint theories.

Howl, howl. Well, take it up with Young and Fraser: Young argues, i think 
correctly, that a major, maybe the main positive political lesson of pomo is 
that interest-based class-type politics ignores both the variosu dimensions 
of difference among the oppressed groups and the need for recognition and 
respect for their identities as self-created rather than merely opposed. 
Fraser has tried womanfully to integrate this sort of insight with the older 
recognition that without a focus on interest, the oppressed will never get 
recognition or power. 

>The author wants to make a set of sweeping claims
 and yet escape responsibility for them.

No, I'll stand by them, but this is typical pomo argument. try to pin an 
unreasonably broad generalization on your oppoent and deflate it, and when 
the target acknowledges distinctions and exceptions, attack him for 
inconsistenct. Geras notes in his Discourses of Extremity that LaClau and 
Mouffe argue this way against Marxism: it's rigid economic determinism, a 
false position no serious Marxist theorist has ever maintained, or it's 
self-contradictory.
 
 > The first logical problem here is that the set of theorists named
 is so broad and diverse that if you try to find a set of propositions
 that they all share, you either get a very reduced
 set of banal propositions (e.g. 2 and 3 above)

Interesting that you think merely banal the denial that humans or groups of 
them have objective properties (antiessentialism) or that history has no 
directionality and historical materialism is false (no grand narratives). 
Those are not what I would call banal propositions. In fact they strike me as 
exceeding interesting, though false, and verys trong.

>  People who want to debate "pomo" construed in these
 broad terms want to debate mush.  There is no there
 there.

Well, we come close to agreement again about what is there. But, as I say, 
here we have the trope that one cannot criticize pomo--only Derrida, or maybe 
recent Derrida, or maybe his latest book, or maybe p. 13 of his latest book . 
. . . 
 
 > As a general rule, folks, anyone who conflates
 post-structuralism and postmodernism doesn't know what
 they're talking about. 

Thanks for enlightening us about this important difference.

 >THis is another illogical move, widely represented
 on pen-l.  You assail the silliest postmodernist
 you can find.  When it's pointed out that this is
 mere strawmanbashing, you claim that there is
 nonetheless some essential link -- that the serious theorists
 are responsible for the silly ones, as in the
 metaphor "amplify" above.

Well, I think you owe Nicole an apology. She's at least an honest student 
trying to learn and think things through. I have criticized her errors, but 
she at least had enough integrity to present to use what she actually thought 
in terms that were plain enough to understand. 
 
 > It is
 up to the author to pick a particular theorist
 and make a critique, with textual evidence.

So, as I said, the only kind of permitted criticism is author by author. In 
fact, though, one can prove negarives. You say, some bad people (Marxists one 
presumes) view the working class as a simple unity. I showed--very 
briefly--that thsi is not true of Marx,a nd in fact is not true of the 
Marxist tradition. Btw, I should say that I am very far from being a 
reflexive Marxist and many would say that I am not one at all.
 
  > The kind of work I mention above
 shows social science that has digested these
 successive schools of thought, learned from the
 debates between them, and moved on.  We should too.
 
 Well, I am a lawyer and a philosopher, so I respond to the philosophical 
theses: I would talk about the critical legal studies stuff-pomo in law--if 
anyone had showed any interest.

--jks

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