Leo Casey wrote:
>In fact, of course, there has always been an anti-imperialist strain in
>American politics, and not just among African-Americans (remember Mark Twain
>and William Jennings Bryan?).

Sure, I myself have written about Mark Twain on this list some time 
ago.  Twain learned his anti-imperialist lesson the hard way:

*****     Mark Twain on Cuba's Anti-Imperialist Square

By Jim Zwick

<http://www.marktwain.about.com/arts/marktwain/library/weekly/aa000404a.htm>

On April 3, the Jos� Mart� Open Anti-Imperialist Square was 
inaugurated in Havana, Cuba. Built during the crisis in diplomatic 
relations between the United States and Cuba over the fate of the 
young shipwreck survivor, Elian Gonzalez, the square is named for a 
Cuban nationalist leader and will eventually include monuments to a 
number of other national and socialist heroes from around the world, 
including Abraham Lincoln and Mark Twain. The immediate circumstances 
of the creation of the Square, and the presence of Elian Gonzalez's 
father at its inauguration, might lead some to believe that the plan 
to include a monument to Mark Twain is pure propaganda. But, like the 
proposal made in the Philippines two years ago for a statue of Mark 
Twain to honor his support for the Philippine Revolution, this 
gesture has its roots in Mark Twain's anti-imperialist writings.

Jos� Mart� lived in New York after being exiled by Spanish 
authorities in Cuba in 1879. His writings inspired the Cuban 
revolution from Spain that began in 1895 and he was killed by the 
Spanish after he returned to Cuba that year. Three years later, the 
United States intervened in that revolution with "Cuba Libre!" one of 
its most potent slogans. Observing the Spanish-American War from 
Europe, Mark Twain wrote,

"I have never enjoyed a war -- even in written history -- as I am 
enjoying this one. For this is the worthiest one that was ever 
fought, so far as my knowledge goes. It is a worthy thing to fight 
for one's freedom; it is another sight finer to fight for another 
man's. And I think this is the first time it has been done."

The outcome of that war was a bitter disappointment, though. After 
reading the Treaty of Paris that concluded the war, Twain realized 
that the United States had no intention of freeing Puerto Rico, Guam 
or the Philippines. On his return to the United States in October of 
1900, he declared himself an anti-imperialist in dockside interviews 
and soon became a vice president of the Anti-Imperialist League of 
New York. He remained an officer of either that branch or the 
national Anti-Imperialist League until his death in 1910.

The U.S. colonization of the Philippines became the primary focus of 
Mark Twain's anti-imperialist writings in the early 1900s but he also 
paid close attention to what was happening in Cuba. Although the 
Spanish-American War was ostensibly fought to "free Cuba," some in 
the U.S. Congress thought that the island should be annexed by the 
United States along with the other former Spanish colonies. In 
February 1901, Senator Orville Platt of Connecticut introduced a 
compromise measure that would give Cuba nominal independence but 
forbid it from forming international alliances and reserved for the 
United States the right to intervene militarily at times of political 
instability or whenever Cuba could not pay its international debts. 
The Platt Amendment became law in the United States and its inclusion 
in the Cuban Constitution was made a requirement of the country's 
independence. It defined U.S.-Cuban relations for the next three 
decades and set the stage for the next Cuban revolution that would 
bring Fidel Castro to power.

Mark Twain was an early critic of the Platt Amendment. In "The 
Stupendous Procession," a piece he was writing in February of 1901, 
the month the amendment was introduced, he described the U.S. 
Congress as ready to chain Cuba in a new set of leg-irons and 
hand-cuffs. In "As Regards Patriotism," written in 1902, he used the 
promise to free Cuba as an example of what "training" in the 
country's old democratic principles had accomplished, and contrasted 
it with the results of a "short training" under the new imperial 
conditions: "Training made us nobly anxious to free Cuba; training 
made us give her a noble promise [of independence]; training has 
enabled us to take it back."

In its report of the inauguration of the Anti-Imperialist Square in 
Havana, the Reuters news service quoted Cuban youth leader Otto 
Rivera's explanation of the planned inclusion of monuments to Abraham 
Lincoln and Mark Twain: "Our war is against the empire which enslaves 
and oppresses, not against the American people who build and love."

Instead of dismissing this gesture as propaganda, the American people 
would do well by reading what Mark Twain had to say about the 
severely limited independence granted to Cuba in 1902. "The empire" 
is not a fiction invented by creative Cuban speech writers, but 
something Mark Twain condemned as it was being established at the end 
of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. The 
creation of the Jos� Mart� Open Anti-Imperialist Square in Havana is 
a reminder that the present conflict grew from those roots, and that 
even during the worst of times Cubans and Americans can agree upon 
Mark Twain.

Jim Zwick  *****

Yoshie

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