At 21:30 18/10/00 -0500, Paul P wrote:

>Louis, I think both you and Chris are somewhat off base on this.


Being one sided, is inevitable and to some extent stimulating in a 
discussion list.
Getting things *all* wrong is rather more difficult.

But Paul gave a lot of detailed analysis which sounded broadly right to me, 
that is near the centre of the range of probable coherent analyses.

I was quite aware of the financial reasons for Croatia and Slovenia 
separating from the Federation. My point about mentioning only Serbia was 
to draw attention to the inherent difficulty, which Milosevic and the other 
members of the Serbian Socialist Party did not solve, about how to get 
consensus about handling very differing rates of economic development. Nor 
have any other socialists or Marxists solved this problem.

With Serbia transferring funds to Kosovo, it must have tested the patience 
of the Serbs and their spirit of "proletarian internationalism" to see it 
going on the expansion of Pristina university and the proliferation of 
Albanian nationalist culture. Mutual tolerance can become increasingly 
eroded while flash points increased.

The problem of different rates of economic development is a problem faced 
by most states and is found with all different economic system. It is 
normally handled secretly or semi-secretly to keep it out of public 
politics. An authoritarian socialist state can just decide to transfer 
funds for socialist construction and brazen out the argument. A developed 
capitalist "democracy" like the USA can do it by sophisticated "democratic" 
pork barrel politics. Germany does it by concensual transfers from rich 
states like Bavaria to the north, and from the west to the east, and avoids 
it getting explosive while being aware of that risk. The European Union 
struggles with a rational policy of regional development, which can bring 
great prosperity to a country like Ireland for a time, but cannot manage 
the differences in economic activity flexibly between Britain and the EU 
heartland. It will be severely tested when the European Union expands to 
the east.

20 years ago China decided to sink investment into the rich coastal 
provinces and exacerbate differences rather than waiting till Sinkiang and 
Tibet had caught up. But note the possibility that if the Chinese Communist 
Party were to collapse, without a strong centralising force the provinces 
of China, each as big as a European country, could fall apart into at best 
a sort of confederation. China has always been difficult to govern centrally.

Once again (pace Proyect) I am not denying the external interference in 
Yugoslavia, but saying there were internal causes too, that were very 
difficult.

What has this got to do with "Milosevic and privatization"? My sense that 
their mixture of market socialism, was somehow not the right one, and had 
no inbuilt market mechanism for dealing divergent rates of economic 
development. It raised questions about comparative efficiency between the 
republics, without giving answers.

  As people know, I think that among other options, we should be discussing 
models in which the usage of land for approved development is more fully 
marketised while the *ownership* of land is removed from the sphere of 
private property.

Chris Burford

London

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