Interesting to see the strong trend during the recount in Florida, for many 
more Gore votes than Bush votes to be validated out of those that had 
presumably previously been excluded.

This is presumably an automated recount, as the Democrats are now calling 
for manual recounts, but perhaps with discussion about which papers 
rejected by the counting machines, should go in a second time. The details 
of the methodology may be important. Are these machines optical readers?

It suggests that modern automated vote counting is biased against the 
demographic groups that tended to vote for Gore.

What can this be? Does it imply that Gore's vote on a national basis was 
probably higher than it was?

Presumably he has gained from ballot papers being included in the recount, 
that had some blemish on them from the point of view of the impartial rules 
of the computer, a tick instead of a cross, or whatever.

Gore's supporters presumably had a tendency to lack assertive "middle 
class" social skills, may not have negotiated the ballot paper so 
effectively, may not have had the confidence to have asked for a 
replacement, if they had made a mistake on the first one, may have got 
flustered etc.

May not have insisted that the polls were still open 3 minutes before the 
closing time, when the officials were clearing up and did not want to be 
bothered with a couple of old black people, who were late because one of 
them had just come from their unsocial cleaning job, or because they had 
arthritis and could not afford pain killers that do not cause gastric erosion.

The 19,000 disfranchised votes in Palm Beach are also part of the same 
social problem.

So this is an example of the principle that a bourgeois right, a narrow, 
mechanical right, exercised in disregard of the fact that everyone is 
different, is in fact a right that is inferior by comparison with the 
rights of people as organic members of a social network.


The closer the microscope is applied to what actually happened in Florida, 
even if fraud is not proved, the more detail there is likely to be, showing 
the inherent class bias of a system based on bourgeois right.

Liberals contesting the electoral result may not draw attention to the 
class implications. Marxist-leaning politically-concerned individuals 
should use opportunities to expand this debate, and shift the focus of this 
whole ridiculous embarrassment for the competence of the USA (I am writing 
from outside, you appreciate) on to the social implications of how the 
democratic system works as a whole, how efficient it is in really 
representing peoples views, who benefits.

Even "For whom?" as Lenin suggested always asking. But not so stridently 
that other people are repelled. The art is to find ways of connecting the 
general to the particular, not only philosophically but in terms of 
effective political contributions. Dogmatic marxism is useless in a modern 
bourgeois democracy.

Certainly a system based on narrow fragmented bourgeois right, lubricated 
by billions of dollars of corporate donations, is not self-evidently 
democratic from all points of view, despite the assertion of one of the 
members of the Florida recount invigilatory panel, that 90 miles south of 
them, in Cuba, people do not have elections at all (!) Perhaps he could be 
invited to go on a free fact-finding holiday to help build friendship 
between the US and Cuban peoples.

Presumably a hand count, with a discussion over contested votes, might well 
favour working people still further.

The electoral system is an economic question, a class question, but it can 
only be exposed by applying the marxist distinction between bourgeois 
democratic rights and social rights in a way that brings it out in 
understandable terms.

Chris Burford

London

Reply via email to