Not Osama, but one of his 53 or so siblings...
Michael Pugliese
http://www.google.com/search?q=James+R.+Bath.+Bush+bin+Laden+Time+
[Sheikh Kalid bin] Mahfouz and another BCCI-connected Saudi, Sheikh bin
Laden" according to Time correspondents Jonathan Beaty and S.C. Gwynne. Of
special note is that Sheikh bin Laden is widely believed to be the father of
Osama bin Laden, terrorist bomber of two U.S. embassies in 1998.
http://www.bushisms.com/HighlktsBook.html
Social Network Diagram for BATH JAMES R
... Bush. 1992 (223-229); Time 1991-10-28 (80). BATH JAMES R. ... BIN
MAHFOUZ KHALID 13
BUSH GEORGE W 13 WHITE ... 3 ATLANTIC AVIATION 3 BIN LADEN SALEM M 3 ...
www.pir.org/cgi-bin/nbonlin6.cgi?_BATH_JAMES_R
Lan Bentsen
... George Bush. 1992 (75). BATH JAMES R: Brewton,P. The Mafia ... 10-22
(23); Time 1991-10-28 ... CIA,
and George Bush. 1992 (222). BIN LADEN SALEM M: Brewton,P ...
www.pir.org/main3/Lan_Bentsen.html
AARGH, 'effin LaRouche!
KLA and Drugs: The `New Colombia of Europe' Grows in ...
... Texas at the time of the ... with Salem bin Laden coincided with ...
that entrepreneur James
R. Bath guided money ... Reagan and Bush Administrations, sources ...
www.larouchepub.com/other/2001/2824_kla_drugs.html
 http://www.mail-archive.com/pen-l@galaxy.csuchico.edu/msg61725.html

The Tangled Path to a Response
As we prepare to retaliate for last week's atrocities, let's take time to be
sure of our targets
By John Mecklin



At this distance in time and place from last Tuesday's terror, I feel an
unjournalistic temptation to silence. So much has been written and broadcast
by and about people who were at or near the World Trade Center and the
Pentagon, so much published in the local media, reflecting almost every
reaction, reasonable and otherwise. At a certain point, sheer repetition
threatens to demean the victims of tragedy, even mass, history-altering
tragedy.

So, because I have no experience of the World Trade Center and Pentagon
bombings that anyone with a television could not also possess, I have
decided to relate something from my past, hoping that it might be new to
you, and might help set some frames of reference, as the country ponders
what it will do and become in the initial months of the coming bin Laden
War.



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In the late 1980s, when I lived in Houston and earned my keep as an
investigative reporter, I spent months looking into possible connections
among Texas business and political figures and Middle Eastern notables
associated with the fascinatingly fraudulent Bank of Credit and Commerce
International. In the end, my BCCI investigations didn't add up to a whole
lot; chasing worldwide fraud is not a particularly rewarding pursuit for a
local reporter without an expense account. As an offshoot of my research,
however, I ran upon, and wound up writing some stories about, a Houston
airplane broker named James R. Bath.

Among his varied business activities, Mr. Bath represented, as a sort of
business agent, at least four prominent and wealthy Saudi Arabian citizens
in their U.S. investments. According to public records, those citizens
included Salem (sometimes spelled Salim) bin Laden, the favored son of the
founder of a great Saudi construction empire, and one of dozens of
half-brothers of a then-obscure man named Osama bin Laden.

Bath's associations did not exclusively involve Saudi petrodollars. Among
other things, he also counted as a friend and minor business partner another
man who, except for his family connections, was not well known to the wider
public: George W. Bush.

A story I co-wrote for the Houston Post in October 1990 put the relationship
between George W. Bush and Jim Bath this way: "George W. Bush said he met
Bath [in the 1970s] when both were fighter pilots at the ANG [Air National
Guard] base at Ellington [Field, a former Air Force base near Houston]. The
younger Bush ... described Bath as a friend who is "a lot of fun.' George W.
Bush said he last saw Bath about three years ago, and speaks to him perhaps
once a year."

For that story, Bush said he had never been in business with Bath, American
agent to part of the bin Laden fortune. The assertion was less than
completely true, if subsequent stories in Time magazine and the Houston
Chronicle are to be believed.

"In sworn depositions, Bath said he represented four prominent Saudis as a
trustee and that he would use his name on their investments. In return, he
said, he would receive a 5 percent interest in their deals," a Houston
Chronicle piece about a lawsuit between Bath and a business partner said.
"Tax documents and personal financial records show that Bath personally had
a 5 percent interest in Arbusto '79 Ltd., and Arbusto '80 Ltd., limited
partnerships controlled by George W. Bush, President Bush's eldest son.
Arbusto means "bush' in Spanish.

"Bath invested $50,000 in the limited partnerships, according to the
documents. There is no available evidence to show whether the money came
from Saudi interests."

Time, which first confirmed the Bath/ Bush investment connection, wrote this
about the airplane broker: "Bath controlled a fleet of companies connected
to his aircraft business, and he enjoyed unusual carte blanche to direct the
U.S. investments of several wealthy Middle Easterners. Associates confirm
that Bath has brokered more than $150 million in private plane deals in
recent years, concentrated in sales and leases to Middle Eastern royalty and
other influential figures. ... The firm that incorporated Bath's companies
in the Cayman Islands is the same one that set up a money-collecting front
company for Oliver North in the Iran-contra affair."

The Chronicle and Time pieces (and to some degree, alas, the story I wrote
11 years ago) have a sort of breathless, agape tone, as if Bath's
connections were almost magically far-reaching. "Bath, while insisting he is
nothing more than a "small, obscure businessman,' is associated with some of
the most powerful figures in the U.S. and Middle East," Time observed.



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Through subsequent experience, some of it involved with covering the Persian
Gulf War, I came to know, much more completely, that the connections among
the Saudi and American oil industries are many, and intricate, and of long
standing. A decade ago, a tenuous, friend-of-a-friend association between
the lower levels of the bin Laden and Bush families did not wind up meaning
much. In many senses, it probably has less meaning now.

Spokesmen for the bin Laden family have repeatedly stressed that the family
ostracized Osama in 1993 when he became a fugitive and began activities in
Sudan before going to Afghanistan. "The family is absolutely mortified by
what has happened in New York, and totally rejects Osama's activities and
ideology. I know that Osama has no business connections with them in any
shape or form," a London in-law to the bin Ladens said last week.

But if I am not suggesting a direct or nefarious connection between George
W. Bush and anyone named bin Laden -- and I truly am not -- there is a
reason I've written today about obscure facts from 11 years ago. I recount
these facts because you will be hearing a lot in coming weeks and months
about people, organizations, and entire countries with "links" and
"connections" to Osama bin Laden. Those with such links and connections may
well be marked out for arrest, or abduction, or annihilation.

But proving, with a reasonable degree of certainty, that such linkage
amounts to aid for terrorism takes time and money. The tangle of financial
and other relationships that characterizes al Qaeda, the shadowy movement
headed by bin Laden, is complex beyond the general imagination. As
investigation of the World Trade Center and Pentagon atrocities continues,
the arc of relationship between enemies will, at times, veer oddly -- even
ironically -- close to friends, or to those who may dislike U.S. policy in
the Middle East but would never countenance the slaughter of innocents.

For example: It is no particular secret that at least some of bin Laden's
financing has come from wealthy Saudis. It is regularly speculated in the
international press, in fact, that Saudi businessmen are essentially paying
his organization to refrain from targeting the Saudi kingdom and its royal
family. Is paying protection a "link," or an understandable reaction to
threats from a madman with a worldwide following? Is knowing about such
payments, but not moving to stop them, a "link"?

Is there any reason, except the political, to believe that retaliation for
last Tuesday's attacks will be less valid if investigators spend weeks or
even months exploring such links, and making sure the targets we choose
represent real, and not just possible, enemies?



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Lest anyone misunderstand, let it be known, and clearly, that I have no
patience -- at all -- with the arguments of those who counsel a judicial,
rather than military, response to the evil acts that killed 5,000 innocents
last week. My sentiments are well expressed by this quote, contained in a
recent Peter Maas piece in the online magazine Slate: "This may not be
politically correct, but I don't want justice here," Maas quoted a special
forces captain as saying. "These people do not need to be brought to justice
or apprehended. They need to be killed. That's what you do to your enemy in
war -- you destroy him. And this is a war."

If it is a war, it's a peculiar kind, one in which the enemy may be the
brother of a friend of a friend, and relative unknowns may step quickly to
the center of the world stage. When I was in Houston just 11 years ago,
after all, Osama bin Laden and George W. Bush were at best footnotes to the
footnotes of history.

In such conflict, it would seem, there is special reason to take care, to
strike only at documented demons. Smite, yes, but verify.

For memory is long, and the killing of innocents creates enemies who cannot
forget.

Ever.


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