>[Should] states
. . . . have a monopoly on the means of violence[?]

Who said they should? I mean, it depends on the circumstances, and the 
violence and its purpose. In Afghanistan today, I bet the people under 
Northern Alliance rule wish they was a state with a monopoly on the means of 
violence. Despite the misbehavior of the Chicago Police, I know for sure 
that there are a lot of people on the South Side who wish there was a state 
monopoly on the means of violence. But not in, say, South Africa in the 
1970s and 1980s, or Niacaragau in the 1970s, etc.

The revolution
>that made the USA was led by non-state actors. Were their gripes
>legitimate or not? Legitimate enough to engage in the agression that
>got lots of people killed?

Well, "aggression" is loaded word, like "murder." The Amedrican 
revolutionaries didn't think they were engaging in agression--unjustified 
initiation of violence.

Drop for a moment your focus on the
>legality-illegality of aggression and shift to the politics of just
>*who* gets to determine what those very terms will mean. Think of
>Chomsky's example of the Mafia don.

Despite being a lawyer, that wasn't my focus. I don't know enough about 
international law to know with alot of confidence when international 
violence is legal.

>
>Post-Westphalian is a term that's been popping up quite a bit in
>international relations literature. It often stands for expressing the
>need for scholars to look far more closely at non-state actors in the
>shaping of the world-system and how they mold the interests of states.

Yah, I studied with Harold Jacobson at Michigan, got an earful of that. He 
gave me my only A+ in grad school. He was impressed that I figured out a way 
to operationalize Lenin's theory of imperialism.

>
>Is there any form of aggression involving the death of significant
>numbers of human beings that isn't mass murder?

Sure. Leaving aside the word "aggression," a just war is one. "Murder" is 
illegitimate killing. We _had_ to fight Nazis, even though in doing so a lot 
of innocent peiople would be killed. Likewise the Vietnamese and Cuban 
revolutions, or any more or less liberatory revolutioon.

If not, then what
>legitimates the state's monopoly on violence?

You could start with Hobbes and think about the alternative in many 
circumstances: the war of all against all.

>Who gets to decide?

Well, we do, don't we? Who do you suggest that we might defer to?

And
>how does one go about averting the infinite regress problem that
>connects epistemology to a theory of authority?

This isn't a crucial practical problem, but I do have an elaborate answer to 
this in Relativism Reflective Equilibrium and Justice, to which I have 
referred you, and even mailed you a copy.

>
> >I will add, too, that the specific program of al
> > Quaida, the apparent perpetrators of the 9/11 massacre, has nothing
>to do
> > with advancing any goal that anyone on the left could care to
>propose--not
> > that it would have been better if it had a left program. jks
> >
>
>=============
>
>Well on that we all agree.

God bless, then. But I could ask you: Who gets to decide? ;)

jks

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