Why the Left should stop whining
New world politics throws up new challenges - to those who seek practical solutions 
and to
anti-globalisation nihilists
The globalisation debate - Observer special

Peter Hain
Sunday January 20, 2002
The Observer

Globalisation is a force that does not allow the luxury of saying, 'Stop, I want to 
get off'. It is
impossible to stop satellite television, the internet and telecommunications. It is 
impossible to
ban air travel or pop culture; impossible to ban the mobility of capital. The 
question, therefore,
is not whether it can be stopped or abolished. Globalisation is a fact of life and the 
real question
is: 'What sort of globalisation do we want and how can we get it?'

Between the balaclava rock-throwers with their nihilist ideology on the one hand and 
Greenpeace,
Friends of the Earth, Drop the Debt on the other is the same split there has always 
been. Two
centuries ago as industrialisation got underway, the former would have been Luddites, 
trashing
factory machines; the latter the embryonic labour movement. The divide is also between 
failure and
success. Like the Luddites, the balaclava boys are totally ineffectual and, in the 
long-term,
irrelevant.

While the Genoa G8 summit last July was being besieged by violent elements from 
Europe's middle
class on the outside, the voice of Africa's poor was being heard for the first time 
inside.
Britain's Labour Prime Minister had insisted that leaders from South Africa and 
Nigeria should be
invited to put their case for debt relief, fair trade and investment - a case first 
heard by
purposeful campaigners at the Birmingham G8 Summit in 1998 - proof that the left can 
succeed through
targeted and effective protest.

Our task is to master globilisation in the interests of the poor and not just the rich 
and in the
interests of the environment and not just the multi-nationals. By deploying the 
European Union's
huge resources, together with its potential as a catalyst for progressive change, we 
can push for an
international agenda of which the left can be proud. It should be an empowering agenda 
for fighting
poverty, redistributing wealth and eliminating weapons of mass destruction, an agenda 
that
recognises there is no security at home without freedom and good governance abroad, 
and that the
environment is not a free resource that we can continue to plunder at will.

This agenda needs to be promoted beyond Europe through the United Nations, the G8, the 
OECD, the
Commonwealth - and through Nato. Such international diplomacy is difficult and often 
frustrating. It
needs prodding and pushing by protest but ultimately it is the only mechanism for 
action. Too many
on the left are trapped in a Cold War time warp. Of course, we were right during that 
period to
protest as the US, purporting to act in the name of freedom, trampled over Vietnam, or 
propped up
brutal dictatorships in Latin America. We were right, too, to attack the Soviet 
suppression of
democratic uprisings in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968.

The Cold War also saw proxy wars fought throughout the developing world: for example, 
Angola torn
apart and virtually destroyed by Unita, a force of murder and terror backed by the CIA 
and South
Africa, just because the government called itself 'Marxist'. But we can no longer look 
at the
developing world through an East/West prism.

Russia and China both backed the US-led international action in Afghanistan. Russia is 
also seeking
a partnership with Nato and the EU. If the left is about anything surely it is about 
recognising
change and pressing for more of it, rather than being trapped in the past?

After Britain and our allies intervened to save the people of Kosovo from ethnic 
cleansing and
genocide in 1999, the UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan called for a progressive new 
doctrine of
'humanitarian intervention'. It should get our full support.

Take Sierra Leone. Who really objected to British troops intervening in 2000 in 
support of UN
peacekeepers to prevent a legitimate government being destroyed by rebels whose 
speciality was
chopping off the limbs of babies? Why, John Pilger, who wrote that this was a classic 
imperialist
mission to grab the country's diamonds - left-wing paranoia of the first order, since 
the diamond
fields were controlled by the rebels and are now gradually being returned to the 
government. The
truth is that our intervention there - as in Bosnia, Kosovo, East Timor, Macedonia and 
Afghanistan,
was necessary. And it was successful.

Rather than classic wars between states, or even progressive revolutions against 
corrupt old orders,
we have new phenomena: states that have failed, like Afghanistan, being dominated by a 
terrorist
clique. Or neighbouring peoples brutalised by tyrants like Saddam Hussein or Slobodan 
Milosevic. Or
wars like in Angola, the Congo or Sierra Leone, where rebels fight, not for noble 
causes but to grab
personal power.

On Afghanistan, I still see banners saying, 'Stop the War'. I have seen no apologies 
from critics
who relentlessly predicted reckless US escapades, failure and mayhem - no suggestion 
that it might,
after all, and despite all the problems, have been the correct course. Such critics 
have turned a
blind eye to the liberation of millions of Afghanis from the al-Qaeda backed Taliban, 
probably the
most odious regime in the world.

I would like to see the left recognising the pivotal role Britain, under this Labour 
Government, now
plays. Being a steadfast ally of the US doesn't mean being a patsy. Otherwise, how 
would we have
been able to develop good relations with Iran, Syria, Cuba, and Libya? Or stand up for 
the Kyoto
Treaty on climate change? Being an ally gives us influence which is no less effective 
because it
rarely appears in headlines.

We should build on the international unity following 11 September to create a new 
world order shaped
by the left's values - of democracy, human rights, environmental protection, equality 
and justice.
Ours should be a project for the globalisation of responsibility around which everyone 
on the left
could unite, from Greenpeace militants to Labour Ministers. To unite on such a new 
agenda is the
biggest challenge of our times.

· Peter Hain MP is Minister for Europe


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