I am sorry that my initial question on market socialism made Justin Schwartz 
leave the mail group. I didn't want that.

I have to say I found the discussion on the subject interesting and I may 
get back with a few more questions when I get through all the posts.

The arguments over *reform* versus *revolutionary* debates always seem so 
artificial and arbitrary. If we are serious about a dialectical approach to 
politics and the main question of seizing state power - then we must 
consider two cases, the case before seizing state power and the case after 
doing so. In some instances, a third, more complicated scenario of 
transitional power arrangements arise. In honesty, I have over-simplified as 
a dialectical worldview would prevent such arbitrary stepwise conceptions - 
but let us simplify to these three cases.

The reformist/revolutionary question in anticipation of the acquisition of 
state power must be viewed in terms of strategic rather than objective terms 
(at least partially - noting the importance of propagandistic work). If 
reformist tactics become an objective of struggle, then that's a non-runner 
for me. Where they are a strategic compromise taken by a movement focussed 
on revolutionary objectives then they are acceptible. The difficulty is when 
such a strategic compromise is the most that can be achieved in a particular 
instance - that is when a compromise is a good deal.

IMO, the Kautsky-Lenin disputes arose over differences on the readiness of 
the working class to seize power (a strategic decision); however, it assumed 
a greater importance because of Kautsky's reformist objectives -he seemed to 
'long-finger' genuine revolutionary demands for a future, unspecified period 
- effectively, the equivalent of adopting reformist objectives.

Key to determining whether a tactical decision is appropriate is the impact 
which that decision will have on building a movement capable of seizing 
state power - particularly in this time where the working class is so weak 
in political terms. Discussion of 'reformist' measures such as the Toibin 
tax need to occur within this strategic overview - and that's from someone 
who thinks Toibin is a poor deal to spend your efforts at promoting.

Sé

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