[Far Eastern Economic Review]
TRADE
The One-Two Punch

China is coming under fire in the United States on two fronts. Politicians
and others accuse Beijing of stealing U.S. jobs. But growing anger at the
slow pace of trade reforms may prove the bigger issue

By Murray Hiebert/WASHINGTON and David Murphy/BEIJING

Issue cover-dated October 02, 2003

THE HONEYMOON is well and truly over. Much of the euphoria in the United
States that accompanied China's entry into the World Trade Organization
nearly two years ago has mutated into disappointment and anger.

But the rhetorical hurricane brewing across the Pacific consists of two
separate winds. One is largely political and charges China with using an
undervalued currency to snare American jobs. It may well die down after
the U.S. presidential elections in November 2004. The second has more
serious long-term implications because the U.S. business community is
growing more impatient in its calls on Beijing to do more to meet its
pledges.

In comments prepared for delivery to the U.S. Trade Representative's
office, U.S.-China Business Council chief Robert Kapp warned Beijing about
its "apparent loss of clear momentum" in implementing obligations to
comply with its commitments to the WTO. Kapp, who strongly supported
China's WTO membership, forecast that Beijing's "failure to progress
decisively on key WTO commitments in China could itself become the product
of tit-for-tat frictions" with the U.S. Hurricane Isabel postponed the
September hearing in Washington on China's compliance.

A U.S. Chamber of Commerce report released on September 16 said China's
compliance record was "uneven and incomplete." It added: "Unless this
picture improves, there will be an increasing crescendo of complaints . .
. A number of companies are already publicly expressing the view that
China is dismissive of global trade rules and commitments."

The reports by the two key business groups--which last year showed more
patience with Beijing's difficulties in complying--followed a surge of
criticism by American politicians and corporate leaders blaming China for
the loss of 2.7 million industrial jobs in the past three years. They
charge Beijing with keeping its currency undervalued, giving China an
unfair export advantage that led to a record U.S. trade deficit of more
than $100 billion last year.

The renminbi is pegged to the dollar, so the U.S. currency's slide this
year has made Chinese exports even cheaper. Anger in the United States has
grown for months as politicians in both parties compete to hit Beijing for
its failure to revalue. In early September, a bipartisan group of senators
led by Charles Schumer, a New York Democrat, introduced draft legislation
slapping a 27.5% tariff on Chinese exports to the U.S. unless Beijing
revalues.

A Senate hearing on September 11 almost turned into a referendum on China
trade policy. "Over the next dozen years in this country, our biggest
economic challenge . . . will be how do we keep too many of our jobs from
moving to China," said Lamar Alexander, a Tennessee Republican.

Manufacturers are mounting their own initiatives to confront China. The
National Association of Manufacturers, consisting of 14,000 U.S. companies
that pushed for China's entry into the WTO, has vowed to join other
industrial and agricultural groups in filing a trade complaint against
Beijing for allegedly manipulating the renminbi to gain an unfair pricing
advantage.

As the 2004 elections approach, President George W. Bush's administration
is seeking to appear responsive. On September 15, Commerce Secretary
Donald Evans complained about a list of Chinese trade barriers and
announced the formation of a new Unfair Trade Practices Team.

The Group of Seven--the world's wealthiest nations--also expressed
concern. On September 20, the G-7 called for more flexible exchange
rates--without directly naming China. Beijing fended off the criticism
with a formula it has used at least since the 1997 Asian financial crisis.
"We're committed to liberalization, but I can't give you a very clear
timetable of how long it will take," said Li Ruogu, deputy governor of the
Bank of China.

China is unswayed by U.S. demands to appreciate the renminbi, calls
expected to be repeated when Evans visits Beijing later this year. In
September, Chinese officials promised visiting Treasury Secretary John
Snow limited action. But they avoided offering a timetable for changes on
the renminbi, pegged at about 8.28 renminbi to the dollar for almost a
decade.

For Beijing, a stable currency is a key to economic stability and the
noises from Washington are making China the scapegoat for U.S. job losses.
"It's related to the upcoming U.S. presidential election," says Wang Yong,
a professor of international political economy at Peking University. "The
government is more open to pressure from interest groups now."

In reality, China's overall global trade surplus is quite small and the
huge surplus it enjoys with the U.S. is mainly the result of an
increasingly capable Chinese economy competing directly with other
developing countries more than with the U.S. "Mexico has free trade with
the U.S. and China does not. Yet Mexico is losing jobs to China right
now," says Columbia University economist Joseph Stiglitz. This is a
reflection not of unfair trade practices, the former World Bank chief
economist and Nobel Prize winner says, but of growing efficiencies in
China's economy. The currency spat is a result of "Bush trying to shift
blame from his macro-mismanagement to the Chinese," says Stiglitz.
"America has no grounds for complaint."

Many economists anyway doubt that a revaluation of China's currency by the
15%-40% demanded by American industry groups would make much of dent in
the U.S. trade deficit. "If they were to revalue their currency by about
20%, I estimate that the effect on the bilateral trade with the United
States would be to reduce their surplus by about $10 billion," economist
Nicholas Lardy told the September 11 Senate hearing.

And Lardy, a China specialist at the Institute for International Economics
in Washington, warned that the end result of China floating its currency
could be the opposite of what senators wished for. "I think it is quite
likely that if China floated its currency, that the value of the renminbi
would depreciate, not appreciate," he said. "I think it has the potential
to . . . cause many problems in the [Chinese] domestic economy, with
significant implications throughout Asia, and that it would move the
currency in a direction that I think would be contrary to our interests."

The gloves may be off in Washington, but Beijing is anxious to escape
being caught in the crosshairs as the election campaign heats up. China
wants to avoid the re-emergence of the tough rhetoric that characterized
the early months of the Bush administration. Foreign Ministry spokesman
Kong Quan says Beijing wants "Sino-U.S. trade friction to be resolved
appropriately through consultation."

Equally shy of conflict are the U.S. multinationals with giant
manufacturing operations in China and whose exports contribute
considerably to the trade deficit. Seven U.S. companies were in the top 50
exporters from China last year. "Other factors need to be taken into
consideration--such as that U.S. manufacturers are so heavily invested in
China and exporting out of China to the U.S.," a spokeswoman in Hong Kong
for Motorola says of the currency row. Motorola has invested $3.4 billion
in China and last year exported $2.6 billion worth of goods--though it
refuses to say how much went to the United States.

But even business groups that want to distance themselves from the
campaign over the renminbi support calls for Beijing to adhere more
closely to its WTO commitments. In their reports, the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce and U.S.-China Business Council gave a litany of complaints
ranging from Beijing's lack of transparency to its failure to rein in
rampant piracy of intellectual property.

Kapp, who last year said Beijing's efforts to stick by its WTO commitments
amounted to a "half-full" glass, this year saw "an apparent weakening of
government resolve on key WTO implementation issues," according to his
draft comments. "Transparency . . . remains a very serious problem," he
said. So does protectionism. Kapp said companies in his council complain
of "a clear indication of out-and-out protectionism on the part of
government bureaucracies defending their bureaucratic prerogatives and the
economic interests of their domestic constituencies."

The piracy of intellectual property causes more heartburn for foreign
firms. The International Intellectual Property Alliance estimated losses
due to piracy by China last year at $1.9 billion. Some 10%-15% of
over-the-counter pharmaceuticals sold outside hospitals are counterfeit.
Myron Brilliant, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce vice-president for Asia,
wrote in his report that without criminal sanctions including imprisonment
"it will be difficult to significantly curtail the counterfeiting of
pharmaceuticals in China."

Chinese officials insist they are committed to meeting obligations.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Kong said Beijing's "stand and determination
will not be weakened," even though China had "met some problems and
unexpected difficulties in fulfilling its WTO commitments."

Although Beijing has largely fulfilled a pledge to lower tariffs on
schedule, its to-do list remains long, according to Brilliant and Kapp.
Progress in reducing non-tariff barriers in agriculture is slow. So is
action on a promise to relax restrictions on U.S. companies distributing
products in China. Beijing still has excessive capitalization requirements
for banks, insurance companies and telecoms-service providers and is two
years late in opening car financing to foreign players.

Kapp and Brilliant warn that China's failure to address these problems
could lead to renewed turbulence for political and commercial ties between
Beijing and Washington. "Absent more progress toward fulfilling its WTO
commitments, concerns about China will only rise," Brilliant said.
"Without tangible improvements, there will be political consequences as
well as a possible souring of business views about the market."

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