HI Mike,

> Thanks for all the back-handed compliments. ;D  And
> special thanks to Jurriaan for putting in excellent,
> skilled labour time in answering some of the questions
> which I've posed, most lately, the one about Fidel's
> comment on unequal exchange.

Well of course we can talk about Marx's theory of economic exchange, which
is also important, but the political question for me is whether or not
comrade Castro's comment is in fact conducive to promoting better trade
relations between his country and the European Union, if that's the aim.
Because raising the standard of life in Cuba obviously depends a lot on
this. he may be quite correct about the 400 million dollar profit, depending
on how you evaluate gross and net income, but now what ?

Often, the way commercial people would see it, is that they would say "well,
sugar prices are just very low, they are by nature volatile, what can we do
about it, there's nothing much we can do about it, all you can do is
diversify production"  But I have to think of Adam Smith's famous quote
here, "People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and
diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or
in some contrivance to raise prices. It is impossible indeed to prevent such
meetings, by any law which either could be executed, or would be consistent
with liberty and justice. But though the law cannot hinder people of the
same trade from sometimes assembling together, it ought to do nothing to
facilitate such assemblies; much less to render them necessary."

Refer: http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive/Article/0,4273,4096789,00.html

An investor can of course decide to buy sugar here or there, and the
decision to buy it from Cuba rather than somewhere else maybe doesn't depend
totally on acquisition prices, but also on other (political) considerations.
The trade boycott against Cuba is to a large extent motivated, I believe, by
a prejudice of Western Governments. They scream about "human rights" and
democracy, but in reality Cuba is - quantitatively and qualitatively
speaking - doing rather better than a heck of a lot of countries I could
mention, with which the same Western governments DO engage in trade. So
caricatures of Castro and false analogies such that "Castro is like Saddam
Hussein" obscure what's really going on, it's just demonology.

In foreign policy, the hysteria about the Cuban government turns the reality
on its head: it is the whole terrible history of subversion of Cuban
national sovereignity and trade boycotts/sabotage which engenders political
paranoia, and which compels the Cuban government to take a strict, defensive
attitude. But the real basis for political democracy in Cuba is a viable,
growing economy and a stable convertible currency, so people have jobs and
can plan a future. Without that, you can have any kind of political regime
you like, but they would end up, sooner or later, doing much the same thing
as Castro, or, (more likely) they would create a real mess (supposing that
there was a regime change in Cuba, then under the contemporary conditions,
all you would probably get is a kind of casino and tourist playground for
rich Americans, while the ordinary Cuban craps out, has no job, and wants to
emigrate. Because even if you had regime change, that still wouldn't raise
world market prices for Cuban exports. All that would happen would be that,
instead of the sugar production being controlled by the government, it would
be controlled by Dean Foods, Kraft Foods, Unilever, CSR or Nestle or
whatever, who would rationalise production and put more people out of work.
Castro isn't talking about national sovereignity for a joke, he is talking
about the future of his people, in a world where "globalisation" in reality
means just that the travel industry captures 10 percent of the world Gross
Product, whereas the majority of the world aren't even in a position to buy
travel, at least not international travel.

The principal commodity exports of Cuba are sugar, nickel, tobacco, fish,
medical supplies, citrus fruit, and coffee; the main trading partners of
Cuba in recent years are the Netherlands, Russia, Canada, Spain, and China.
The Netherlands is one of the largest, if not the largest, importers of
Cuban products. But there are around a hundred countries which produce
sugar, and Cuba, although about the fifth largest exporter, is only about
the tenth largest producer, Cuba's sugar production is completely dwarfed by
Brazil for example. Except for fish and medical supplies, the other export
commodity prices remain pretty low.

Karl Marx's analysis shows that, historically speaking, the world
development of capitalism created a world division of labour and production,
which is to the advantage of the industrialised, richer countries, who
traditionally not only can outcompete the rest of the world with higher
productivity (what Marx called the "artillery of cheaper mass-produced
commodities") but also effectively or explicitly block parts of
international trade by poorer countries, and invest only there where it
suits them. This is not necessarily because Western businessmen are bad or
prejudiced people, or that it is a conspiracy, but because international
competition and rivalry does not permit any other pattern of investment. But
in reality "free trade" does not appear to be so free, and it is motivated
by all sorts of considerations which have nothing to do with trade in
itself. But the real challenge is, given that this is so, what would you
actually do to change it ? When I was at university, you still had something
like "development theory" but these days that tends to mean more "where do I
get my sex and my money from". If you accept the neoliberal idea of "let the
market pick the winners", then no theory is necessary anymore - or so it
seems (in reality of course "the market" is an abstraction - people have to
do something to make accounts balance).

In countries such as Malaysia and Cuba, the government takes the position,
that it must take a very active role in influencing economic development,
because if they do not do it, there will be more unemployment and poverty in
their country. From this point of view, it doesn't really matter whether
they are communists, muslims, christians or whatever, they have to contend
with the same objective reality. In New Zealand, they took the opposite
view, they just let anatomy rule, but they end up with more and more debts,
and more and more social inequality and poverty. I was among the first
people to condemn that strategy publicly in 1984-85, and warn people about
it, but of course in politics, it's not a question of being correct or
proven correct, but having the correct position at the correct time. It's
easy to be too forwardlooking or too backwardlooking in that sense.

So, to cut a long story short, the answer to your question is really that
anatomy does rule in parts of the world, but in other parts of the world the
mighty greenback rules. And that is an obstacle for the "love thy neighbour"
principle that Jesus Christ recommended in the fight against the pharisees.
Jesus had a certain amount of balls, because he threw the money-changers out
of the temple. Even so, he ended up being crucified, which suggests that his
aggressive campaign against Jewish huckstering, and his ambivalent attitude
towards Roman imperialism ("render unto Ceasar what is Ceasar's" - this is
more diplomatic than anything else, reflecting the balance of political
forces)  was not without its problems and pitfalls. To understand the real
nature of the human problem, refer to this popsong lyric:

The best things in life are free
But you can give them to the birds and bees
Now give me money
That's what I want
That's what I want, yeah
That's what I want

Your love gimme such a thrill
But you're lovin' don't pay my bills
Now give me money
That's what I want
That's what I want, yeah
That's what I want

The brilliant German Marxist thinker Elmar Alvater captures the Zeitgeist
very well: "If neither the procedural rationality of the market nor the
programme and practice of planning have been able to solve socialization
deficits and the drift into anomie, and if the material side of industrial
(and postindustrial) progress fails to appear in the shape of individual and
social wellbeing, then fundamentalist answers naturally suggest themselves
in the first instance. These are to be found everywhere in the world today,
even if 'the causes, forms and consequences of the fundamentalist flight
from modernity always differ... according to the time, place and prehistory
of the triggering contradiction.' (...) Fundamentalism is mounting an attack
on the Western rationality which has variously manifested itself in the
Western world of the market and the socialist camp of economic planning. The
evident limits of that attack cannot be countered merely by reliance upon a
market rationality liberated from 'command structures'... Market economy
arose, as we argued at the outset, through the 'disembedding' of economic
rationality from existing social bonds. Today we witness the overburdening
of the earth's ecosystem and the sharpening of social problems in the
southern and eastern parts of the planet - not to mention the unsettled
social accounts in the 'rich' capitalist countries. Nowadays the further
evolution of society is possible only if the economic rationality of market
procedures is firmly embedded in a complex system of social, non-market
regulation of money and nature." (Elmar Alvater, The Future of the Market;
an essay on the regulation of money and nature after the collapse of
actually existing socialism, transl. Patrick Camiller, p. 244-260).

Jurriaan

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