India turned Kashmir into the bitter place it is now
BJP Hindu nationalism has made the conflict more dangerous
Martin Woollacott
http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,630975,00.html
Friday January 11, 2002
The Guardian

When sections of the Kashmiri crowd booed the Indian side and waved
flags similar to the Pakistani flag at a match between India and the
West Indies in Srinagar in 1983, the reaction in government circles
in Delhi was fury. The Kashmiris, or, rather, the Kashmiri
government, by not preventing the outrage, had failed the
sub-continental version of the cricket test. Not many months
afterwards, after underhand manoeuvres, the then Kashmiri chief
minister, Farooq Abdullah, was toppled.

Recounting the story in his book on Kashmir, the distinguished Indian
journalist MJ Akbar notes that there was at that time no serious
Pakistani-supported subversion in Kashmir. Instead, there was an
established pattern of Indian subversion of Kashmiri institutions and
leaders. From the beginning, the Indians could not bring themselves
to leave well enough alone in a state that had acceded to the Indian
union - even in the Indian version of events - on the basis of a
document which gave its government full powers except in foreign,
defence and fiscal policy.

The story of Indian-held Kashmir had, from 1948, been of efforts to
wear down and abolish the Kashmiri difference. There were periods
when saner policies prevailed. But usually New Delhi wanted a crude
mastery in Kashmir and it wanted Kashmiri leaders, notably Sheikh
Abdullah and his son Farooq, to be utterly compliant allies. In this,
it ignored the fact that any successful Kashmiri leader had to
reflect to some extent the ambivalent feelings of part of the Muslim
majority toward the Indian connection. It undermined and detained
leaders when they failed to be as loyal as expected, and replaced
them with worse men. Mrs Gandhi wanted Farooq out because he would
not go along with what amounted to a merger of Kashmir's main party
with Congress. The cricket incident was a useful tool in the campaign
to unseat him.

Rajiv Gandhi reinstated Farooq in 1987 but the rigged elections of
that year reduced belief in the political dispensation in Kashmir,
Islamic parties gained ground, the ranks of unemployed youth
increased, and significant armed actions happened. New Delhi's
reaction was to send in disastrously hard-line administrators. One of
them famously said: "The bullet is the only solution for Kashmir." In
the resulting campaign, with its reprisals, rapes, and killing of
innocents, the insurgents were damaged, but the population of the
Vale was comprehensively alienated.

The consequence was that, as Victoria Schofield writes: "No political
leader prepared to voice the demands of Kashmiri activists and
militants would be acceptable to Delhi; any leader of whom Delhi
approved would be rejected by the militants." In her careful and
even-handed account she shows how the first phase of this
deterioration preceded serious Pakistani intervention. Once it was
under way, Pakistan certainly seized on the opportunity it saw, in
both Afghanistan and Kashmir, to follow a forward strategy which
would supposedly enable it to counterbalance India's much greater
strength.

But it was New Delhi which bore most responsibility for the dismal
situation in Kashmir - first for the years in which normal politics
in the state slipped into decline, and then for a counter-insurgency
effort, which lacked the scrupulous care which alone brings a chance
of true success in such campaigns. Indian governments later tried to
repair the damage done in the early 1990s, even as
Pakistani-supported subversion of a more Islamist character
continued, with Afghan and foreign militants added to the mix. . . .

Kashmir: Behind the Vale by MJ Akbar, published by Viking Penguin
India. Kashmir in Conflict by Victoria Schofield, published by IB
Tauris. Lineages of the Present by Aijaz Ahmad, published by Verso.

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--
Yoshie

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