The New York Times /  May 29, 2012

Most Aid [sic] to Athens Circles Back to Europe

By LIZ ALDERMAN and JACK EWING

PARIS — Its membership in the euro currency union hanging in the
balance, Greece continues to receive billions of euros in emergency
assistance from a so-called troika of lenders overseeing its bailout.

But almost none of the money is going to the Greek government to pay
for vital public services. Instead, it is flowing directly back into
the troika’s pockets.

The European bailout of 130 billion euros ($163.4 billion) that was
supposed to buy time for Greece is mainly servicing only the interest
on the country’s debt — while the Greek economy continues to struggle.

If that seems to make little sense economically, it has a certain
logic in the politics of euro-finance. After all, the money dispensed
by the troika — the European Central Bank, the International Monetary
Fund and the European Commission — comes from European taxpayers, many
of whom are increasingly wary of the political disarray that has
afflicted Athens and clouded the future of the euro zone.

As they pay themselves, though, the troika members are also
withholding other funds intended to keep the Greek government in
operation.

Last week, the Athens office that tracks revenue said Greece could run
out of money by July. If so, Greece could default on its debts —
except those due to the central bank, the monetary fund and the
European Union.

“Greece will not default on the troika because the troika is paying
themselves,” said Thomas Mayer, a senior adviser at Deutsche Bank in
Frankfurt.

In an elaborate payment system that began after the May 6 election
that brought down the Greek government and is meant to ensure that the
Greeks do not touch the cash, the big three creditors are now wiring
bailout payments to an escrow account in Greece. There the money sits
for two or three days — before much of it is sent back to the troika
as interest payments on the Greek bonds that Europe accepted under
terms of the bailout deal struck in February.

About three-quarters of Greece’s debt, or $229 billion, is now
effectively owned by one of the three troika members, according to
estimates by the investment bank UBS.

The central bank, in particular, is eager to be paid back, said Mr.
Mayer, who has followed the cash.

To help calm volatile financial markets, it bought billions of euros
in Greek bonds that come due monthly. “It’s why they want to get paid
back every month now,” he said. “The E.C.B. bought at a high price and
now insists on being paid in full.”

Some people close to the situation say the troika is also trying to
put financial pressure on Greece to do what it can to collect tax
revenue from an increasingly devastated economy.

The managing director of the I.M.F., Christine Lagarde, prompted a
furor in Greece over the weekend when she chastised Greeks for not
paying taxes, in an interview with The Guardian.

A Greek government adviser who spoke on the condition of anonymity,
for fear of alienating the European lenders, said of the troika: “They
made sure that the sum for domestic spending is kept small enough to
force Greece to dramatically raise its own revenues.”

On its face, the situation seems absurd. The European authorities are
effectively lending Greece money so Greece can repay the money it
borrowed from them.

“You send the money, you call it a ‘loan’ — you get it back and call
it an ‘interest rate,’ ” said Stephane Deo, global head of asset
allocation in London for UBS. Mr. Deo said such arrangements were
common in situations where governments were in danger of defaulting on
their debts.

That is because governments do not go bankrupt in the same way that
companies do; creditors cannot break them up and sell the assets to
recover some of their money. So creditors have an incentive to ensure
that distressed governments continue to repay their debts, even if it
means lending them the money.

Since May 2010, Greece has been sent about $177 billion in European
taxpayer money to keep the country afloat and ward off a bigger crisis
that might threaten the entire currency union. Of that amount, a full
two-thirds has gone to pay off bondholders and the troika.

Only a third has been earmarked to finance government operations, with
only a tiny sliver spent on stimulus projects for the anemic economy.

This circular lending is all about risk management. After all, Greece
this year negotiated a debt deal in which banks that held its bonds
got only about half of their money back.

The troika wants to ensure the same does not happen to its members and
the taxpayers. European officials have also pointed to Greece’s track
record on finances, including manipulating its budget numbers to
qualify to join the euro union in 2001, and government corruption
since then.

Another recent development has rung alarm bells. Last month the troika
sent Greece $31 billion to help shore up its banks.

On Tuesday, the caretaker Greek government dispensed $23 billion of it
to the banks. But some Greek officials have suggested tapping the
remainder to keep the government running past June, should the troika
continue to wield a tight fist.

The European Central Bank became one of Greece’s biggest creditors
after it started buying debt from troubled euro zone countries in 2010
to help stabilize prices. The bank does not disclose how much Greek
debt it bought, but estimates are from $44 billion to $69 billion.

Greek bonds are a profitable investment for the bank as long as Greece
continues to make interest payments. The bank exempted itself from the
debt restructuring deal. And Greek bonds were already trading at a big
discount when the central bank started buying them. As a result, the
bank is earning an effective interest rate of 10 percent or so, Mr.
Deo estimated.

But he added that it was also a risky trade. If Greece defaulted,
European taxpayers might ultimately have to pour new money into the
bank’s capital reserves.

The European Union’s bailout fund, the European Financial Stability
Facility, also became a major Greek creditor as a result of the
debt-reduction deal that Greece negotiated with bondholders. All told
its contribution amounted to about $88 billion.

However harsh the payback terms might seem, the European authorities
have a strong interest in avoiding the even higher costs that would
result if Greece left the euro zone or defaulted completely on its
debt.

As early as next year, according to optimistic estimates, Greece could
reach the point where tax receipts exceed government operating
expenses.

At that point, a populist government might be tempted to stop making
debt payments altogether. If so, it might then take its chances on its
own, outside the euro zone without the burden of interest payments.

To help leaders in Greece resist that temptation, the troika’s
reasoning goes, it is better to help them service the debt
immediately.

Liz Alderman reported from Paris and Jack Ewing from Frankfurt.

-- 
Jim Devine / "Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own
way and let people talk.) -- Karl, paraphrasing Dante.
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