does anybody have an independent perspective on Slovenia? (independent
of the hegemonic view, that is.)

New York TIMES / September 14, 2012

Slovenia Encounters Debt Trouble and May Need Bailout

By STEPHEN CASTLE

LJUBLJANA, Slovenia — Small, affluent and westward-leaning, Slovenia
was welcomed with open arms into the European Union in 2004 and
slipped, almost unnoticed, into the euro union three years later.

Yet five years later, this alpine nation with two million people risks
the dubious distinction of becoming the first former socialist country
in the European Union to need a bailout.

Janez Jansa, the Slovenian prime minister, warned last month that debt
troubles could eventually force him to seek European aid. And his
government has already promised to put up guarantees of as much as 4
billion euros, ($5.2 billion) — more than 11 percent of gross domestic
product — to help the country’s banking sector unwind bad real estate
and commercial loans.

Mired in recession, weighed down by crippled banks and battered by the
bond markets, Slovenia’s fall from grace has cast doubt on an economic
transition that was once the envy of Central and Eastern Europe.

When Yugoslavia fell apart in 1991, newly independent Slovenia kept
most of its best assets in domestic hands rather than selling them to
foreigners in a flurry of privatizations the way some other countries
did. That caution, and resistance to the sorts of change that
outsiders would have brought — known here as “Slovenian gradualism” —
is now being second-guessed. Some even wonder whether the country
suffered from having such a promising start.

“It is a beautiful place, and people have a feeling that they have a
good life,” said Janez Sustersic, the country’s finance minister. “We
were the good pupil of euro entry, also of entry into the E.U., so
there was a lot of self-satisfaction that probably made us unaware of
the underlying problems.”

They certainly know about them now.

By financing a construction boom and a spate of ill-advised takeovers,
banks accumulated billions of euros in bad debts, according to the
Institute of Macroeconomic Analysis and Development, an independent
agency that prepares data for the Slovenian government. Now, with the
contraction, once-sound businesses are struggling. Bad loans now
account for 6 billion euros, or 12 percent, of Slovenian banks’
lending portfolios.

Construction has stalled. Gross domestic product is expected to shrink
by 0.9 percent this year, to 35.6 billion euros. And because the
government’s borrowing costs are high — yields on its 10-year bonds
have been above 6 percent lately — the government’s interest payments
are higher, too.

Even if Slovenia is nowhere close to actually requesting a bailout,
its situation cannot help but be on the radar of the European Central
Bank, whose next governing directors’ meeting will be held here in
Ljubljana on Oct. 4.

Although the government’s borrowing needs are still relatively small —
projected at 1.6 billion euros in 2013 — a spike in bond yields could
lock Slovenia out of debt markets.

So what went wrong?

Despite its cold war period as a socialist state, Slovenia, as part of
moderately open Yugoslavia, was familiar with market economies.
Agriculture was never collectivized, for example. There was extensive
trade with Western Europe.

But Yugoslavia’s breakup, and Slovenia’s drive to independence, left
an inflated sense of national pride and, perhaps, of Slovenes’ own
abilities.

Having negotiated their transition and accession to the European Union
smoothly, and with its banks having little exposure to toxic subprime
American assets, Slovenes underestimated both the dangers of the
looming euro zone debt crisis, and the extent to which the
increasingly global economy was changing around them, according to
Professor Marjan Svetlicic, head of the center of international
relations at the University of Ljubljana.

The country’s subsequent economic disaster echoes those of other
countries, with the euro bringing easy credit and fueling a
construction bubble that inevitably burst.

But here, special factors were at play when the country’s economic
elite embarked on a host of management buyouts of companies that were
partly privatized when the resources of the old socialist state were
divided. That meant Slovenia began looking inward just as
globalization was transforming world trading patterns. Worse, many
buyouts lacked the robust business plans foreign investors would have
required, officials and academics say.

“The old boy network is very strong in small countries,” Mr. Svetlicic
said. “These kind of connections made bankers blind. They trusted
personalities. They said, ‘These managers have performed well in the
past, so let them have the money,’ and they did not go through a very
precise analysis.”

Buyouts and mergers peaked during the first term of Mr. Jansa, who was
prime minister from 2004 to 2008. He returned to power this year after
his predecessor, Borut Pahor, lost elections after squabbles within
his coalition and a failure to push through reforms.

Mr. Jansa’s first government was a power broker because state-run
funds still held stakes in many companies. One cause célèbre was the
so-called brewery wars in which Pivovarna Lasko acquired its rival,
Union, in 2005 to avert a takeover by InBev of Belgium.

Keeping ownership in Slovene hands was a crucial goal. On its Web
site, Pivovarna Lasko still cites a quotation about it from 1940,
which begins: “This is not a factory like those built with foreign
capital, which came to engulf our land in slavery and misery.”

But Pivovarna Lasko then went on a scattershot buying spree, acquiring
strategically questionable stakes in both Mercator, the country’s
largest retailer, and Delo, a newspaper. The hodgepodge conglomerate
became unwieldy, and many of its parts have since been sold.

Opponents still accuse Mr. Jansa of meddling back then to consolidate
his power.

The opposition leader and mayor of Ljubljana, Zoran Jankovic, says he
was ousted from the leadership of Mercator at the behest of Mr. Jansa.
“I wasn’t on the same side as him — it was just important to be in the
right political party,” Mr. Jankovic said.

Mr. Jansa’s office, in a statement responding to questions, said he
had “never interfered” in appointments at Mercator. “The appointment
and the dismissal of the chairman of the management board of
Slovenia’s largest food retailer, Mercator, falls within the
competence of the owners of the company and not within the competence
of the government or the prime minister,” the statement said.

In any event Bostjan Vasle, the director of the Institute of
Macroeconomic Analysis and Development, said many mistakes were made
in Slovenia in the period of 2005 to 2007.

“Just before the outbreak of the crisis,” Mr. Vasle said, “a lot of
people in Slovenia had this idea that it was possible to buy out their
companies solely on the basis of cheap loans from a banking sector
which had gained from entering the euro area.”

Around this same time proposals for structural reforms were largely
shelved in the face of opposition from various politicians and
interest groups.

Foreign direct investment grew more slowly in Slovenia than in other
Central and East European countries over the last two decades,
limiting the adoption of new technology, thus inhibiting productivity,
according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development.

Now, with a rising number of bankruptcies and bad debts, Slovenia
wants foreigners to recapitalize its big, sickly Nova Ljubljanska
Banka. Mr. Sustersic, the finance minister, said investors might be
found “in a period of several months, maybe a year.”

An austerity budget for 2012 aims to cut about 600 million euros from
the previous year’s government spending, and there are plans to adopt
labor market reforms by the end of the year.

With such efforts under way, Mr. Sustersic said an international
bailout would be a last resort. “If we go on with the measures
planned, then I think we will be looked at favorably by financial
markets and then the likelihood of us needing any financial help will
be small,” he said.

“Today,” Mr. Sustersic added, “people don’t have the feeling anymore
that we are in any kind of sense exceptional or better than the others
— which is good because there is maybe also a better understanding of
the necessary measures that we have to take.”

Slovenia’s gradualism still has some defenders, like Joze Mencinger,
professor of economics at the University of Ljubljana and a former
finance minister. “Nobody has anything against foreign investments,
for example when they are greenfield investments,” he said, “but I
don’t understand why you should sell all your companies.”

But that view is no longer the consensus.

“This idea of gradualism just went a little too far,” Mr. Vasle said.
“At the beginning it was appropriate, but at some point in time it
became an excuse for postponing all structural reforms.”
-- 
Jim Devine / If you're going to support the lesser of two evils, at
the very least you should know the nature of that evil.
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