The young people knew about this.

I should have added that the Venezuelan ambassador attended many of the 
sessions.  Not only that, he was familiar with many of the participants -- 
including Michael Lebowitz, who knew him in Venezuala.


Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
michael dot perelman at gmail.com
Chico, CA 95929
530-898-5321
fax 530-898-5901
www.michaelperelman.wordpress.com

-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected] 
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Louis Proyect
Sent: Sunday, May 05, 2013 3:24 PM
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition; Progressive Economics
Subject: Re: [Pen-l] [Marxism] Mayday in Slovenia

On 5/4/13 5:13 PM, michael perelman wrote:
> Finally, the level of political and intellectual sophistication I saw 
> was absolutely amazing.  The young people were intensely interested in 
> ideas, especially those relevant to building a new society.
>

No wonder.

NY Times May 5, 2013
In Europe, Growing Concern Slovenia Is Next to Need Bailout By DAN BILEFSKY

LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIA — Only a few years ago, Bine Kordez was feted as Slovenia’s 
star entrepreneur. After transforming a home-improvement chain, Merkur, into a 
regional giant, he drew on easy credit from state-run banks to help orchestrate 
a €400 million management buyout of the company, the largest in the country’s 
history.

The rewards of success included an imposing mountainside retreat and frequent 
mention of his name as a possible future finance minister of this small, 
idyllic Alpine country.

Now, though, Mr. Kordez stands convicted of forgery and abuse of office for 
financial dealings as Merkur struggled under a mountain of debt.

“My mistake and the mistake of the banks was to vastly underestimate the risk,” 
Mr. Kordez, 56, said in a recent interview at his home near the picturesque 
town of Bled, with a view of Slovenia’s highest peak. He awaits a decision 
later this month on an appeal of his conviction, which could send him to prison 
for five years.

As fears grow that Slovenia could follow Cyprus and become the sixth euro zone 
country to seek a bailout, his rise and fall have come to symbolize the way 
easy and cheap credit, combined with Balkan-style crony capitalism and 
corporate mismanagement, fueled a banking crisis that has unhinged a country 
previously praised as a regional model of peaceful prosperity.

The recent bailout of Cyprus at a cost of €10 billion, or $13 billion, which 
included stringent conditions forcing losses on bank depositors, has focused 
minds in Ljubljana, the Slovenian capital. Slovenia’s struggling banking sector 
is saddled with about €6.8 billion worth of nonperforming loans, about 
one-fifth of the national economy. Slovenia is now in recession, and the gloom 
across the euro zone shows little sign of abating. A European Commission 
forecast released Friday said that France, Spain, Italy and the Netherlands — 
four of the five largest euro zone economies — will be in recession through 
2013.

Last Thursday, Slovenia bought time by borrowing $3.5 billion on international 
markets. That was two days after Moody’s Investors Service cut the country’s 
credit rating to junk status, citing the banking turmoil and a deteriorating 
national balance sheet. Analysts said the bond sale would probably enable the 
government of the new prime minister, Alenka Bratusek, to stay afloat at least 
through the end of the year.

The Cypriot debacle has shown how bailing out even a small country can damage 
the credibility of the euro currency union. But Slovenia, with two million 
people, insists that it is not Cyprus and will not seek emergency aid.

“For the time being, I have a sound sleep,” Ms. Bratusek, the 42-year-old prime 
minister, said in a recent interview.

This week, on Thursday, Ms. Bratusek, only a little more than a month in 
office, is expected to present a financial turnaround plan to the European 
Commission, the executive arm of the European Union. She said that privatizing 
Slovenia’s largely state-owned banking sector was a priority, along with 
creating a “bad bank” to take over nonperforming loans.

Her government, she said, will also unveil plans by July to sell the country’s 
second-largest bank, Nova Kreditna Banka Maribor, along with two large state 
companies that she declined to specify. The sales could raise up to €2 billion, 
she said.

Ms. Bratusek, who once headed the state budget office at the Finance Ministry, 
said Slovenia’s government debt, which analysts say rose from about 54 percent 
of gross domestic product to around 64 percent with last week’s bond sale, 
still ranked at the lower end of that scale in the euro area.

But the 6 percent interest rate Slovenia offered on the 10-year bonds in last 
week’s debt sale, at a time when some euro zone countries are enjoying 
historically low borrowing costs — Germany’s equivalent bond is trading below 
1.2 percent — might only add to the country’s financial problems.

Mujtaba Rahman, director of Europe at Eurasia Group, a political risk 
consulting firm, said the new financing could backfire if it lulled the 
government into laxity about making vital structural changes.

“The new financing was not a vote of confidence in the Slovenian government or 
in the economy, but rather reflects investors attracted by high bond yields,” 
Mr. Rahman said. “A bailout could still prove inevitable.”

What went wrong in Slovenia? The country, wedged between Italy, Austria, 
Hungary and Croatia, was considered the most promising among the 10 new 
European Union entrants when it joined in 2004. That was 13 years after it 
declared independence from Yugoslavia, avoiding a bloody Balkan war that had 
swept up other countries in the region.

When Slovenia was admitted to the euro club in 2007, the single currency helped 
fuel easy credit and a construction boom. It was the same sort of heady access 
to cheap money that led to economic disasters in Ireland and Spain. But 
economists say the Slovenian variety of euro-euphoria hangover can be traced to 
a failed transition from communism to a fully functional market economy.

After gaining independence in 1991, Slovenia — conditioned by centuries of 
foreign subjugation — was determined to retain local control of its prized 
assets. It embarked on a spree of management buyouts of partially state-owned 
companies, overseen by executives who in many cases were uncomfortably close to 
people running the government and the state banks.

“After the transition in Slovenia, the state retained a stranglehold over the 
economy,” Mr. Rahman said, “and the country today is suffering the 
consequences.”

Bine Kordez at Merkur was not the only head of big Slovenian company whose 
involvement in a bank-aided management buyout ended badly, or whose access to 
easy credit backfired. Two of Slovenia’s biggest construction companies, Vegrad 
and SCT, are now in bankruptcy proceedings. Istrabenz Holding, a sprawling 
food, tourism and energy conglomerate that once owned a vast swath of 
Slovenia’s economy, is undergoing a court-mandated debt restructuring.

Igor Bavcar, Istrabenz’s former chief executive, was charged with money 
laundering, and Bosko Srot, former chief of the big brewing company Pivovarna 
Lasko, with abuse of authority, in connection with a 2007 deal. Prosecutors say 
Mr. Bavcar attempted to buy a stake in Istrabenz from Lasko through a series of 
shady intermediaries. Both deny any wrongdoing.

A big provider of buyout loans was Slovenia’s largest state-owned financial 
institution, Nova Ljubljanska Banka, or N.L.B. The government installed new 
management late last year, as the bank’s lending portfolio turned increasingly 
sour.

Janko Medja, N.L.B.’s new chief executive, said that the rush to privatize 
Slovenian state-controlled companies, combined with the money coursing through 
Europe before the 2008 financial collapse, had prompted banks like N.L.B. to 
practically give money away “for free.”

In the case of Merkur, which Mr. Kordez joined as finance director in 1988, the 
advent of the euro sent the home-improvement company’s profit soaring, as newly 
prosperous Slovenians rushed to renovate their apartments and houses. By 2008, 
the once modest group of neighborhood hardware stores had €1.3 billion in 
annual revenue, and the number of employees had more than doubled to 5,000.

Mr. Kordez decided to consolidate his grip. He recounted recently how he 
convinced a group of 10 banks, including 4 foreign ones and N.L.B., to lend him 
more than €350 million.

“I had no real collateral for a deal of that size,” he said. “Just my house , a 
few hundred thousand euros, a smart business plan and my reputation.”

So he offered as collateral the assets of Merkur, a company he did not yet own.

The trouble intensified in 2009 when, with the global economic downdraft in 
full force, Slovenia’s construction bubble burst. As home improvement projects 
fell idle, Merkur sales dropped by about 20 percent.

Mr. Kordez described taking out fresh loans to repay the outstanding ones, even 
as Merkur paid dividends to Mr. Kordez’s investment vehicle, Merfin, which he 
then used to help pay off spiraling debts.

“In some countries this could be called a Ponzi scheme,” said Primoz Cirman, a 
leading economic writer for Dnevnik, a Slovenian newspaper. 
“But here it was called financial engineering.”

By 2010, the banks had lost patience and Mr. Kordez was pushed out. An audit 
later revealed that the buyout had destroyed €200 million of Merkur’s value. 
The company is now majority owned by the banks and undergoing a court-mandated 
debt restructuring.

In 2011, prosecutors accused Mr. Kordez of embezzling €9 million from Merkur in 
2008 through a byzantine deal in which his investment firm, Merfin, bought a 
shopping center with an improper €10 million loan from Merkur. A few days 
later, Merfin sold the property to a construction company for €21 million, an 
artificially high price.

Merfin, prosecutors said, then used the profits to help pay back its soaring 
loan costs.

Last September Mr. Kordez was found guilty of forgery and abuse of office. He 
said he was trying to save the company and had not broken any laws. Prosecutors 
counter that he abused his position to save himself from financial ruin.

As he awaits a ruling on his appeal, Mr. Kordez has been riding his mountain 
bike throughout the country, and he says he refuses even to contemplate a 
possible prison term that he compares to a diagnosis of cancer. He would leave 
behind his wife, and an adult daughter and son.

The country’s financial disease, he said, is hardly his fault.

“Someone needed to be blamed for this mess,” he said, “And I have become the 
sacrificial lamb.”

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