http://econospeak.blogspot.ca/2014/04/inequality-and-class-struggle.html

In his discussion of the Cobb-Douglas production function and the presumed
stability of the capital/labor income split, Thomas Piketty references the
work of "the young German historian and economist Jürgen Kuczynski" (p.
219). Readers of *Capital in the 21st Century* may be interested to learn a
bit more about this intriguing character, whom Marc Linder profiled in a
1994 monograph, "From Surplus Value to Unit Labor Costs: The
Bourgeoisification of a Communist
Conspiracy<file:///C:/Users/Tom/Downloads/mdp.39015037255521-2.pdf>"
published in the book, *Labor Statistics and Class Struggle*.

In the mid-1920s, the American Federation of Labor adopted a new wage
policy linking wage demands to productivity gains, which Linder described
as "strongly reminiscent of the reasoning that Marx had used in an address
to the General Council of the First International in 1865 to refute the
claims of one of its members, a carpenter named John Weston, that a general
increase of wage rates did not benefit the working class." An excerpt from
Linder's book:

The reason that Green’s “Modern Wage Policy” Declaration seemed so
curiously suggestive of Marx’s own popularization of the theory of
exploitation is that it was, implausibly enough, written by a German
Marxist mole in the AFL. That person, who was also responsible for
developing the data on relative wages for the AFL, and thus for the
organization’s conversion to a crypto-Marxist strategy of holding the line
on the rate of surplus value, was twenty-two year-old Jürgen Kuczynski…

In September 1926… Kuczynski departed for the United States, where his
father, who spent half of each year at the Brookings Institution and as
late as 1931 was a member of its advisory council, had secured him a
stipend at the short-lived Robert Brookings Graduate School of Economics
and Government. Through his father, Kuczynski again came into social
contact with many scholarly and political leaders in Washington, D.C.,
including Justice Brandeis, a distant relative.

Shortly before his departure for the United States, Kuczynski was struck by
Paul Douglas’s recent article comparing the movements of real wages,
production, and productivity. Although Douglas did not draw the parallel or
discuss its significance, he presented data showing that from 1899 to 1923,
the real earnings of manufacturing wage-earners had risen 28 per cent
whereas their per capita output or productivity had increased 52 per cent.
Kuczynski then published a piece in the *Finanzpolitische Korrespondenz*,
which his father edited, in which he methodologically went a step beyond
Douglas: by dividing the index of real wages by the index of production, he
generated an index of “the share of industrial workers in the total product
of industry.” This “social standard of living,” which Kuczynski conceded
was very rough and in need of refinements, had declined by 50 per cent
between the turn of the century and World War I and remained stagnant
thereafter.

In the course of re-reading Douglas on the boat to the United States, a
“fundamental idea” dawned on Kuczynski -- namely, that the relationship
between production and real wages was nothing but Marx’s idea of relative
wages. Whereas only bourgeois theorists and especially social-democratic
revisionists contested Marx’s ‘“theory of absolute immiseration,’” relative
immiseration seemed, once the absolute variant was accepted,
self-explanatory. The reason that no one had thought of calculating
relative wages was the lack of relevant data. When Kuczynski realized on
the boat that statistics recently published in the United States had made
such calculations possible, he arrived in Washington with his “tongue
hanging out.” In November 1926, two months after his arrival, he published
two more articles in his father’s journal on relative wages, which were
both suffused with a primitive version of ameliorative underconsumptionism.
In one, expressly referring to Marx’s distinction between real and social
standards of living, he loosely defined the latter as (wage-working)
consumers’ share of the national product, In the other he presented the
first fruits of his calculations of relative wages in several industries as
the result of dividing real wages (measured both by a cost of living index
and an index of wholesale prices of the particular industry) by
productivity. In 1927 and 1928, Kuczynski published additional articles on
the same subject in Germany until the relative wage “had again found its
place as a category of Marxist doctrine."

While refurbishing Marxism, Kuczynski also performed a much more
spectacular feat: ventriloquizing President Green. Although Frey’s efforts
at the 1925 AFL convention had “given a great movement a great idea,”
Kuczynski was disappointed that the Federation had “forgotten” about
computing the worker’s share of the product or implementing the new
principle. To be sure, Kuczynski overstated his own and underestimated the
AFL’s initiative: immediately after the Atlantic City convention, The New
York Times had published an interview with Green in which he anticipated by
a year Kuczynski’s call for a workers’ share index. Specifically, Green
stated that the AFL should do research to show workers and the public “how
the purchasing power of wages has varied . . . and what relation that curve
bears to the output per worker.”


-- 
Cheers,

Tom Walker (Sandwichman)
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