NY Times, Oct. 7 2014
The Great Wage Slowdown of the 21st Century
by David Leonhardt

American workers have been receiving meager pay increases for so long 
now that it’s reasonable to talk in sweeping terms about the trend. It 
is the great wage slowdown of the 21st century.

The typical American family makes less than the typical family did 15 
years ago, a statement that hadn’t previously been true since the Great 
Depression. Even as the unemployment rate has fallen in the last few 
years, wage growth has remained mediocre. Last week’s jobs report 
offered the latest evidence: The jobless rate fell below 6 percent, yet 
hourly pay has risen just 2 percent over the last year, not much faster 
than inflation. The combination has puzzled economists and frustrated 
workers.

Of course, there is a long history of pessimistic predictions about dark 
new economic eras, and those predictions are generally wrong. But things 
have been disappointing for long enough now that we should take the 
pessimistic case seriously. In some fundamental way, the economy seems 
broken.

I probably don’t need to persuade most readers of this view, so the 
better way to think about the issue may be to consider the optimistic 
case. And last week, in his most substantive speech on domestic policy 
in months, President Obama laid out that case.

It included the usual set of glass-half-full statistics and 
wishful-thinking proposals that officeholders talk about during 
political campaigns. More notable, though, was that Mr. Obama – speaking 
at Northwestern University – explained why he thought wage growth was 
likely to pick up.

“If we take the necessary steps to build on the foundation,” he said, 
after a litany of the good news, “I promise you, over the next 10 years 
we’ll build an economy where wage growth is stronger than it was in the 
past three decades.”

He may or may not be right about that. But the speech laid out the 
issues in unusually clear terms. And by any definition, the great wage 
slowdown – or its end – is one of the most important subjects in the 
country today.

You can think of Mr. Obama’s argument as falling into two categories 
(even if he didn’t say so): the reasons that overall economic growth may 
accelerate, and the reasons that middle- and low-income workers may 
benefit more from that growth than they have lately. Both factors have 
contributed to the wage slowdown. The size of the pie hasn’t been 
growing very fast, and most of the increases have gone to a small share 
of already well-fed families.

On the growth side of the ledger, both energy and education have been 
problems. The cost of energy, after temporarily falling in the 1990s, 
returned to its post-1970s norm in recent years and acted like a tax on 
the rest of the economy. Education, meanwhile, is the lifeblood of 
economic growth, allowing people to do entirely new tasks (cure a 
disease, invent the Internet) or to do old ones with less time and 
expense. Yet educational attainment has slowed so much that the United 
States has lost its once-enormous global lead.

On both fronts, the country has been making progress, Mr. Obama rightly 
noted. The fracking boom and a more modest clean-energy boom have 
increased this country’s share of energy production and held down costs 
worldwide. The price of oil has been mostly flat for three years.

And the number of high-school and college graduates is rising. The 
financial crisis deserves some perverse credit, because it sent people 
fleeing back to school, much as the Great Depression did. But some of 
the efforts to improve school performance – by raising standards and 
accountability – are also playing a role.

Last year, 33.6 percent of 25- to 29-year-olds had a four-year college 
degree, up from 30.8 percent in 2008, according to the National Center 
for Education Statistics. That leaves a lot of room for further 
improvement, but it’s more progress than in prior years. In 2000, the 
share was 29.1 percent.

Mr. Obama didn’t mention her in the speech, but another reason for 
optimism at the White House is Janet Yellen, who took over the Federal 
Reserve this year. Under Ben Bernanke, her predecessor, the Fed was 
heroically creative in fighting the financial crisis. After the crisis, 
though, Fed officials made the same mistake repeatedly: overestimating 
the health of the economy. Ms. Yellen has suggested that she’s learned 
that lesson and will be even more aggressive about trying to lift growth 
with low interest rates.

As far the other entry in the ledger, the biggest reason to think 
economic growth may translate more directly into wage gains is the 
turnabout in health costs. After years of rapid increases, they have 
slowed sharply in the last three years. Mr. Obama likes to give more 
credit to the 2010 health care law than most observers do, but he’s not 
wrong about the trend’s significance.

Health costs take a direct bite out of paychecks. Employers don’t have 
some secret stash of money to pay for health insurance; when it becomes 
more expensive, there is less money left for salaries. It’s no accident 
that the best period of wage growth in the last 40 years – the late 
1990s – was also a period of quiescent health inflation.

If you’re skeptical that these trends are actually encouraging, take a 
minute to play an alternate-history game. Imagine someone had come to 
you a few years ago and predicted that health inflation would slow 
sharply, that the cost of oil would be flat, that the United States 
would soon produce more oil than it imports and that both the 
high-school and college graduation rates would rise. Most of us would 
not have replied: Yeah, that all sounds right.

But here’s where I become less optimistic than the president. Imagine 
that same prognosticator had added one more bit of clairvoyance: Despite 
all those positive trends, the real median weekly pay of full-time 
workers in mid-2014 would be slightly lower than in it was mid-2011. Or 
than it was in mid-2008, the year before Mr. Obama took office. Or in 
mid-2000.

It’s certainly possible that we’re on the verge of a pay surge, much as 
we were in the mid-1990s, when the situation also seemed bleak. It’s 
also possible that the forces behind the great wage slowdown – from 
globalization to our often-sclerotic government to (at least for many 
workers) technological change – are still more powerful than the 
positive forces. In that case, the wage slowdown won’t end until the 
country makes much more progress in improving education, cutting medical 
waste and energy costs and creating a more responsive, nimble government.

Either way, the great wage slowdown, or the end of it, will help set the 
tone for American life in the coming decade. It has already done so in 
the century’s first 15 years, causing widespread unhappiness with the 
country’s direction and leading voters to shift partisan directions 
multiple times. The political turmoil isn’t likely to end until the 
economic reality changes.

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