The Million Worker March Movement
Statement on
Racism and Sexism:
Major Pillars of the Crisis in the
US Trade Union Movement
Black workers make up thirty percent of the total union membership in the
AFL-CIO. People of color and women workers are a large percentage of the
membership of the non-affiliated “independent unionsâ€.
Yet, despite the major divisions among workers caused by institutionalized
racism and gender discrimination that weaken the unity of workers and the power
of the trade unions, the struggles against racism and sexism in the labor
movement are not taken up as priorities. Nor are they viewed by either camp
reflecting the current major divisions within the AFL-CIO as major sources of
labor’s crisis.
Racism and sexism have been the two major pillars of business unionism. They
are fundamental to the lack of rank-and-file union democracy and to labor’s
weakness in organizing the unorganized, especially in the US South. Labor’s
greatest compromises with capital have been around issues of improving
conditions of wages, training, promotions and job classifications for Blacks,
workers of color and women workers.
The failure to organize the South, a low wage region which has been used
historically by the corporations to force billions in concessions from
organized workers and tax abatements from cities and states throughout the
country by their threat of plant closings and runaway shops to the South,
stands out as a major indictment of labor’s failure to struggle against
racism.
Organizing labor in the South especially during the 1950s and 60s, meant taking
on the struggle against legal segregation and white supremacy. It meant
aligning with the Black civil rights movement and broadening the character of
labor organizing and representation from being a narrow economic movement to a
movement for social and economic justice.
Today, even with the employer and government offensive against labor,
too few labor leaders have been willing to acknowledge the issue of white
supremacy, racism and sexism in and outside of the unions. They have not
addressed the policies and practices of organized labor that perpetuate the
lingering and crippling effects of institutional racism. How can labor defend
against the corporate driven attacks when its ranks can easily be divided
against itself?
Blacks, Workers of Color, Women and Oppressed Groups Must Have Democracy and
Power to Drive and Guide Labor’s Structural Changes!
The struggles against racism on the job and in the unions had to be
pushed forward by organizations of Black workers. This has been true beginning
with the formation of the Colored National Labor Union in 1869, which called
for the “Unity of workers without regard to colorâ€; the Brotherhood of
Sleeping Car Porters in the 1920s, who led the call for a March on Washington
in the 1940s against racism in the defense industries; the National Negro Labor
Congress in the 1950s; the League of Revolutionary Black Workers; and DRUM in
the Detroit auto plants in the 1960s, who called for Black workers to take the
lead; the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists in the 1970s, calling for Black
leadership at the highest levels of the unions; and Black Workers For Justice
in the 1980s, calling for Organizing the South.
These struggles were able to bring about some changes in labor,
including the election and appointments of a few Blacks to leadership positions
and the recognition by the AFL-CIO of Black and other constituent groups which
they sought to control and direct as top down organizations loyal to labor’s
bureaucracy.
Today, as the AFL-CIO faces a major split in its ranks, the main
proposals for restructuring and solving labor’s “crisis†indicate, that
the organization and representation of Blacks and other worker constituency
groups are no longer needed to strengthen the labor movement. This is a direct
signal to the bosses that once again labor is willing to sacrifice and
compromise around the interests of Blacks, Hispanics (or [EMAIL PROTECTED]),
women and other workers of color.
Representation of constituency organizations in the AFL-CIO must be
defended. However, “diversity†without the empowerment of Black workers
and other constituency workers cannot challenge the racism and sexism in the
trade unions or be a force to push forward the trade unions in struggling
against the racism and sexism of the employers. Black workers and other
constituencies must be empowered from the bottom as well as the top to struggle
against racism, sexism and all the other forms of discrimination.
The government and corporate attacks on labor during the Reagan period,
exposed the tremendous weaknesses in US labor’s solidarity. This contributed
to business unionism’s acceptance of labor-management cooperation and
increased support and funding for the Democratic Party as an alternative to a
rank-and-file fight-back movement based in national and international labor
solidarity.
Black workers and the Black led poor peoples movements have called on
labor to unite with them in a fight-back movement against corporate and
government attacks. Labor has constantly rejected those calls for unity.
In 1967, Dr. King called on the leadership of the AFL-CIO to support the Poor
Peoples Campaign (PPC). While some local unions and a couple of national unions
endorsed the PPC, the AFL-CIO refused to endorse it. King saw the Poor
People’s Campaign as becoming a focal point of a Black-Labor Alliance linking
the struggle of unionized workers with the struggle to organize the unorganized
in the South; to help increase the power of Black people to demand enforcement
of the right to vote and other civil rights that were won during the 1960s
benefiting women and other sectors of the working class.
In 1995, when close to two million Black people, largely working class came to
Washington, DC for the Million Man March, labor refused to support Black
workers in raising their working class demands at the March.
Today, labor continues its history of trying to solve its crises without a
fight-back movement. The AFL-CIO’s opposition to support the Million Worker
March in 2004, once again sends a message to the corporate rulers, that
labor-management cooperation and collaboration with the two corporate parties,
including US foreign policy of war and empire, is at the heart of labor’s
strategy for survival and “growth.â€
Rank-and-File Democracy
The union movement is rooted in the principle that the trade union
leaders can only take action based on the mandate from the workers. Trade
unionism is about accountability. The proposals outlining the main directions
addressing the crisis of labor have not come from the rank and file; and
certainly not from Black workers and others hardest hit by the demands and
conditions of the employers.
The current leadership is in denial as to the importance of confronting
racism and acknowledging the important role Blacks have played and continue to
play in the trade union movement. When organizing efforts involve a large
number of Black workers, history has proven there’s a greater likelihood of
success. This begs the question, why doesn’t labor officialdom utilize Black
trade unionists for organizing?
Organized labor needs greater unity, strength and independence at a
time when the corporations wield unprecedented power and influence in both
political parties. Blacks, workers of color, women and oppressed groups are
essential in building the labor movement in the 21st century.
If we want to build a real fight-back movement that challenges the
abuse of capital and mobilizes the rank-and-file to fully participate in
resolving labor’s problems, we call on labor to build on the efforts of the
Million Worker March.
Million Worker March Mobilization
Union members from across the United States and Haiti, Japan and South
Africa gathered at the steps of the Lincoln Memorial on October 17, 2004…
making a passionate call for workers’ rights. …Thousands stood at the foot
of the Memorial and along side of the reflecting Pool calling for: universal
health care; protection of social security and pensions; a right to strike
without replacement; an end to the war in Iraq; repealing corporate free trade
agreements; a national living wage; stopping the dismantling of public
education, stopping off-shore North American jobs, amnesty for all undocumented
workers; slashing the military budget; tax release for the working class;
preserving and restoring the environment; enforcement of all civil rights;
stopping corporate greed, and repealing the Taft Hartley.
The active support and endorsement of Black, Hispanic and Latin@,
workers organizations-from the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists, the
Teamsters National Black Caucus, Black Workers For Justice, the Immigrant
Rights Association and the Farm Labor Organizing Committee-Played a leading
role in the mobilization.
The March was initiated by the International Longshore and Warehouse
Union (ILWU), Local 10 in San Francisco. Local 10 is the most racially diverse
Longshore local on the West Coast. It was also the local of the legendary
leader and human rights activist, Harry Bridges. Brother Bridges was in the
vanguard of all North American trade union leaders of his generation on the
question of race. Brother Bridges said “discrimination is a tool of the
bossesâ€. He wrote in Local 10’s newspaper, the Dispatcher, on February 15,
1938 which featured a series of articles on “The Economics of Prejudiceâ€:
“Prejudice means profit for the Boss. … For the worker – Black and White
_ it means lower living standards, humiliation, violence, often death.â€
[Sponsored by:]
_____________________________________________________________________________
The newest lyrics on the Net!
http://lyrics.astraweb.com
Click NOW!
