Sabri,

My response to this question is conditioned by of course being a Canadian and a long term analyst of regional disparities in the country, and my past 15 years chronicalling the transition in Slovenia.  Indeed, my involvement in the former Yugoslavia arose out of interest in the similarity of uneven development in Canada (albeit at a much lower level of disparity) and that in Yugoslavia.  Combined with cultural/ethnic differences both have/had separatist provinces/republics and federal governments who have tried to paper over the cracks.  In both cases, the ultimate federal response has been to abrogate responsibility for regional economies, much more in Yugoslavia than in Canada, with such devastating results.
     The policy that both governments attempted to use was to redirect/enduce/bribe capital to move to less developed regions.  This was only possible in Yugo by the federal government since under self-management (S-M) there was no incentive for individual enterprises to do so.  The collapse of the federal government's economic role (and policy) guaranteed that any reformed Yugo would merely become at best a free trade region which would, in usual market fashion, merely exacerbate regional disparities though it would strengthen the position of the most developed regions, particularly Slovenia which acted as a strong incentive for Slovenia (and Croatia) to secede.  The same would have been true of Canada, IMO, in that Ontario would have gained at the expense of Quebec had the separatists been successful.
    However, what I am suggesting is that peak oil/global warming may have changed that whole dynamic (assuming Kunstler, et al, are correct) in that it threatens inter-regional trade and capital movements because the increasing cost of transportation is throwing up rising "tarrif" barriers and rising costs of production mean that (energy assisted) mass production which is the basis of neo-liberal globalism, is becoming less feasible.  (See also John Ralston Saul, "The End of Globalism")  -- or in more value laden terms, the end of monopoly capitalism as we know it and the rise of local, 'competitive' capitalism, regulation of which must come at the local/regional level, even perhaps in terms of monetary policy and trade policy.  This is the core of  my argument for suggesting we are looking at the rise of "local" (nation) states -- optimal economic regions, defining optimal in terms of social structures or regimes of accumulation.
(By the way, there is a separatist group in Vermont which is making the same argument for breaking up the US -- i.e. that these large, multi-regional mega states are no longer governable nor efficient economically.)
    If there is any truth in this argument, then we have to ask the question, what supercedes the existing nation states and what supercedes the inter-national rules now made up of a complex web of international institutions, controlled for the most part by the existing US and its subordinate states (in particular, Britain, Australia, Canada), neo-liberal international treaties and economic policy institutions (IMF, WB, WTO, NAFTA,  etc.), and the big-power controlled  and increasingly neo-liberal United Nations?  I do not have any ready answers.

Paul
Sabri Oncu wrote:
Dear Paul,

The clause "our planet is shrinking" was not mine but Peter's and I am not
sure what exactly he meant by that. What I agreed with him was this,
probably not paying attention to the first part:

  
common problems like finite energy, global warming, and pollution
are going to be key and the old model of competing states seems
unsuited for these challenges.
    

This is why I view myself both a localist and globalizationist (not in the
sense of neoliberalism, of course).

On the other hand, I agree with you that globalism/neoliberalism is in
retreat and go even beyond that: its time has passed since rather than
solving the over production crisis it was supposed to solve it made the
crisis even worse.

  
"National" (whatever that means) interests must  conflate
the interests of the local/regional interests.  Thus the
nation state must, in essense, become a very local thing.
But that means, of course, a very different conception of
the 'Nation State'.
    

For me the name "nation state" is just name for what I have in mind since I
do not have a better name that I can come up with at the moment, since, like
you, I do not know what "nation" means either.

However, whatever the "nation state" means, I do not think it must become a
very local thing. I say: it depends.

For example, it might be "feasible" to create a number of (say, three or
four) "local states" out of Canada since each of these states may turn out
to be reasonably self sufficient but I do not think the same is "feasible"
for Turkey: the "uneven and unequal development" is a much serious problem
for Turkey than for Canada.

So I claim that what is "optimal" for one region or country need not be
"optimal" for another one, without giving a definition of what exactly
"optimal" means. It may be that a Balkan Republic including Bulgaria,
Romania, all of former Yugoslavia and the rest is more "optimal" for the
peoples of that region that the currently existing "local republics".

The question is, under what conditions these "local states" do not compete
but cooperate for reasons such as Peter mentions and more?

Just some random thoughts and questions the above are.

Best,

Sabri

PS: Sorry, I could not respond earlier since I was away from home.


  
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